[{"data":1,"prerenderedAt":-1},["ShallowReactive",2],{"page:\u002Fda-dk\u002Farbejde-i-danmark\u002Fkollektiv-overenskomst\u002Fdanish-public-sector-industrial-relations-and-welfare-services-in-times-of-trouble":3,"menu:\u002Fda-dk:":68,"sites:htmlblocks":238,"footer:root":1437,"cite-subsites":1535,"subsites":5100,"cite-footer:root":5577,"suggested:root":5616},{"id":4,"slug":5,"title":6,"short_title":7,"intro_text":8,"meta_description":8,"seo_title":8,"path":9,"content_type":10,"locale":11,"edit_url":12,"breadcrumbs":13,"seo":21,"data":29,"children":48,"content_type_view":49,"extra_breadcrumbs":50,"body":52,"body_blocks":63,"related_pages":67},4198,"kollektiv-overenskomst","Kollektiv overenskomst",null,"","\u002Fda-dk\u002Farbejde-i-danmark\u002Fkollektiv-overenskomst","collective_agreements.collectiveagreementoverview","da_DK","\u002Fcms\u002Fpages\u002F4198\u002Fedit\u002F",[14,17,20],{"title":15,"slug":16},"Danmark","da-dk",{"title":18,"slug":19},"Arbejde i Danmark","arbejde-i-danmark",{"title":6,"slug":5},{"title":6,"description":8,"image":22,"canonical":23,"robots":24,"og_type":25,"twitter_card":26,"locale":16,"created_at":27,"last_modified_at":28},"https:\u002F\u002Fwageindicator.org\u002Fmedia\u002Fimages\u002FSocial_media_preview_image_-_2025.2e16d0ba.fill-1200x630.png","https:\u002F\u002Fwageindicator.org\u002Fda-dk\u002Farbejde-i-danmark\u002Fkollektiv-overenskomst\u002F","index, follow","website","summary_large_image","2025-09-05T18:54:37.511558+02:00","2026-04-01T20:37:29.800963+02:00",{"cba":30,"clauses":41,"details":46,"translations":47},{"id":31,"uid":32,"url":33,"name":34,"locale":11,"override_title":8,"title":35,"browser_title":36,"browser_description":37,"text":38},"danish-public-sector-industrial-relations-and-welfare-services-in-times-of-trouble","f15e833c-86dc-11ea-8b3d-f23c91080f70","https:\u002F\u002Fcobra.wageindicator.org\u002Fcountries\u002Fdenmark\u002Fdanish-public-sector-industrial-relations-and-welfare-services-in-times-of-trouble\u002Fdanish-public-sector-industrial-relations-and-welfare-services-in-times-of-trouble\u002F","Danish public sector industrial relations and welfare services in times of trouble","Danish public sector industrial relations and welfare services in times of trouble -","Denmark - Danish public sector industrial relations and welfare services in times of trouble -","Danish public sector industrial relations and welfare services in times of trouble - - Offentlig administration, politiet, interesseorganisation",{"name":39,"data":40},"BarsopDKFinal.html","\u003C!--?xml version=\"1.0\" encoding=\"UTF-8\"?-->\n\n\n\n  \u003Cmeta http-equiv=\"content-type\" content=\"text\u002Fhtml; charset=UTF-8\">\n  \u003Ctitle>New5\u003C\u002Ftitle>\n  \u003Cmeta name=\"generator\" content=\"Amaya, see http:\u002F\u002Fwww.w3.org\u002FAmaya\u002F\">\n\n\n\n\u003Ch1>Danish public sector industrial relations and welfare services in times of\ntrouble\u003C\u002Fh1>\n\n\u003Cp>Mikkel Mailand & Patricia Thor Larsen\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Ch2>1. Introduction\u003C\u002Fh2>\n\n\u003Cp>This chapter will analyze findings from Denmark related to the common themes\nof the project, which in our interpretation can be summarized to:\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>•What shape has public sector reform taken in the country in general and\nin the three sectors in particu-lar?\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>•To what extent and in what way have industrial relations actors (trade\nunions and employers and their organizations) influenced these reforms?\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>•What effect have reform policies had on the number and quality of jobs in\nthe public sector?\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>•What effect have the changes in quantity and quality of jobs had on the\navailability and quality of pub-lic services?\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The introduction presents Danish public sector IR in general. The following\nthree sections includes the findings regarding the three subsectors in focus\n– the hospital sector, the school sector and the elder care sector. The fifth\nand final section compare the findings and draw the conclusions. Where nothing\nelse is stated the source of the findings are the interviews listed in Annex A\nand referred to in footnote 8.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Ch3>1.1 Introducing the Danish public sector and its IR system\u003C\u002Fh3>\n\n\u003Cp>Denmark has one of the largest public sectors in Europe both measured in\nshare of the economy and share of employment. The public sector has employed\nbetween 28 and 31 % of all employees from 2000 to 2015 (29 % in 2015)\n(Statistik Årbog 2017). The number of employees in the three main areas of the\npublic sector is 173.000 in the state area, 122.000 in the regional area and\n416.000 in the municipal area (Statistics Den-mark 2017). As many as 38 % are\nworking part time - and the large majority of these people are women. Moreover,\n10 % are on temporary contracts (Mailand 2015).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Subcontracting of public services is possible in the majority of the public\nservice areas. In the large munici-pal area, the share of public services\nlegally possible to subcontract were exposed to competition (mean-ing that they\nshould be contracted out, but that it would be possible for the municipality\nitself to make a bid) increased from 19.5 % in 2006 to 26.9 % in 2016 (KL 2015;\n2016).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Whereas the formation of the IR-system in the private sector in Denmark is\nnormally dated to 1899 and the so-called September Compromise, the IR-system in\nthe public sector has a much shorter history. It was as late as 1969 that\ncollective bargaining on wages and working conditions was formally recognized\nand the government became obliged to bargain with trade unions. The right and\nduty to negotiate cov-ered both the state employees and the increasing number\nof regional and municipal employees, but civil servants were still not allowed\nthe right to strike (Due and Madsen 2009). In summary, the Danish public-\nsector IR-model is characterized by relatively limited legislation, bipartite\ncollective agreements at all lev-els with high coverage rates, an extensive\nsystem for employee involvement, and relatively strong trade unions.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Ch3>1.2 The social partners\u003C\u002Fh3>\n\n\u003Cp>The employer in the state sector is the Ministry of Finance (de facto, the\nAgency of Modernization, until 2011 the Personnel Agency\n(Moderniseringsstyrelsen). Hence, the state employer is not a separate unit.\nDuring the reconstruction of the Agency of Modernization in 2011, nearly all\nmanagers were replaced as part of a merger between this and another department.\nIn some sectors, trade unions have since then experienced a tougher management\napproach, and they have understood the replacement of managers as a part of\nthis development whereas in other subsectors, they have experienced a more\ncooperative approach (Mailand 2014). This issue will be discussed further in\nsection 5 and section 6.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>As for the municipalities, their employer is Local Governance Denmark,\n(Kommunernes Landsforening, KL). Its large number of responsibilities, the\nrelative autonomy of the municipalities, and the high number of municipal\nemployees means that KL is a relatively strong organization. This is true even\nthough it may have lost power during recent decades due to the centralization\nof political power in the Ministry of Fi-nance. At the local level, individual\nmunicipalities and public institutions themselves are the employers. In the\nregional area, the employer is Danish Regions (Danske Regioner) with their\nbargaining unit being. At the local level, bargaining takes place between the\nindividual regions and the unions, but public institu-tions (de facto, the\nhospitals) might be the most important employer units because of their size.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Whereas the employer structure in Denmark as described is generally\nstraightforward, it is more complex on the trade union side. Of the three\nconfederations the Danish Confederation of Trade Unions (Land-sorganisationen i\nDanmark, LO), the Confederation of Professionals in Denmark (FTF), and the\nDanish Confederation of Professional Associations (Akademikerne, AC), only the\nlatter plays a direct role in col-lective bargaining. Put simply, one or two\nbargaining cartels exist in each of the three main bargaining areas .\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>There has been a decline in trade-union organizational density between 1996\nand 2011, but less so in the public than in the private sector. For the\nsub-sectors where statistics exist for the whole period from 1996 to 2011 the\ndecline has been between 91 and 89 % (public administration), 86 to 80 %\n(education) and 92 to 83 % (health) (Statistics Denmark, \"tailor-made\"\nfigures).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Ch3>1.3 Collective bargaining\u003C\u002Fh3>\n\n\u003Cp>Collective bargaining covers no less than 98 % of the employees in the state\nsector. The remaining 2 % covers employees who solely have individual contracts\nor whose pay and conditions are unilaterally regu-lated by legislation (Due\n& Madsen 2009: 360). No statistics exist for the regional and municipal\nsector, but the collective bargaining coverage is estimated to be at least as\nhigh as in the state sector.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>However, these high percentages do not imply that collective bargaining is\nthe sole important type of regulation of pay and conditions. Legislation plays\na role, most importantly when it comes to employment conditions (terms of\nnotice etc.), holiday regulation, leave of absence due to childbirth and\nworking envi-ronment issues. Moreover, in the higher parts of the job hierarchy\nindividual agreements often supple-ment collective agreements.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>All three main bargaining areas - state, regions (health) and municipalities\n– have a three-tier structure, where the first two (highest) tiers are\nclosely related (see table 2.1) (Hansen & Mailand 2013). The first tier is\n‘cartel bargaining’, which normally takes place every second or third year.\nDuring these bargaining rounds, the state, the regional and the municipal\nemployers respectively bargain with cartels (coalitions) made up of\nrepresentatives of trade unions. The second tier is organizational bargaining\n(individual un-ions), which takes place more or less simultaneously with the\nsector-level bargaining. Here the individual trade unions conduct bargaining\nthemselves on all occupation-specific parts of wages, pensions and work-ing\nconditions within an established economic frame. In times of tight budgets,\nthere can be very little to bargain on at this level. The local level is the\nthird bargaining level. This has gained in importance due to the partial\ndecentralization mentioned above (Hansen 2012). As a rule, a trade union\nrelated shop stew-ard conducts the bargaining. Bargaining issues include wages,\nworking time, training and policies for senior employees.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Tabel 1.1: Levels, bargaining tables and actors in the public sector\nIR-model\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Ctable border=\"1\" style=\"width: 100%\">\n  \u003Ccaption>\u003C\u002Fcaption>\n  \u003Ccolgroup>\u003Ccol>\n  \u003Ccol>\n  \u003Ccol>\n  \u003C\u002Fcolgroup>\u003Ctbody>\n    \u003Ctr>\n      \u003Ctd>\u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>The bargaining process \u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>The actors \u003C\u002Ftd>\n    \u003C\u002Ftr>\n    \u003Ctr>\n      \u003Ctd>\u003Cp>Sector level\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n        \u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n      \u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>Cartel bargaining\n\n        \u003Cp>(bi\u002Ftriennial)\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n        \u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n        \u003Cp>Organizational bargaining\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n        \u003Cp>(bi\u002Ftriennial)\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n        \u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n      \u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>Ministry of Finance, Local Government Denmark (KL), Danish Regions\n\n        \u003Cp>Trade union bargaining cartels (coalitions)\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n        \u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n        \u003Cp>Ministry of Finance, Local Government Denmark (KL) , Danish\n        Regions\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n        \u003Cp>Individual trade unions\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n        \u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n      \u003C\u002Ftd>\n    \u003C\u002Ftr>\n    \u003Ctr>\n      \u003Ctd>\u003Cp>Local\u002Fregional level\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n        \u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n      \u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>\u003Cp>Local level bargaining (continual)\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n        \u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n        \u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n        \u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n      \u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>Institutions within the Government\n\n        \u003Cp>Regions\u002Finstitutions within regions\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n        \u003Cp>Municipalities\u002Finstitutions within municipal\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n        \u003Cp>Local branch union officials\u002Fshop stewards\u003C\u002Fp>\n      \u003C\u002Ftd>\n    \u003C\u002Ftr>\n  \u003C\u002Ftbody>\n\u003C\u002Ftable>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Ch3>1.4 Public sector reforms and the role of the social partners\u003C\u002Fh3>\n\n\u003Cp>The New Public Management (NPM)-reforms have included, inter alia,\nprivatization, contracting out, con-sumer choice, competitive tendering,\nperformance related management and decentralization (of wage-setting and other\nissues) (Ibsen et al. 2011; Greve 2006; Hansen & Mailand 2013).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>It is important to note that the trade union in most of the NPM- reforms\npresented below were involved through bargaining or at least consultation. Some\nare the social partners own initiatives agreed upon in the collective\nbargaining arena while others have a political origin. It is also noteworthy,\nthat the basic features of the public-sector IR system have remained unchanged\nby the reforms. For this and other rea-sons some researchers find it more\naccurate to talk about ‘modernization’ rather than ‘marketization’,\nmeaning that the reform-path taken in Denmark has mixed marketization with\nother types of reforms, and hence, NPM has been taken a moderate form (e.g.\nEjersbo and Greve 2005; Ibsen et al. 2011).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The development of NPM in Denmark has gone through several phases. Firstly,\nin the 1980s, the Con-servative-led government initiated the first\n‘Modernization-program’, which included NPM. However, privatization and\ncontracting out was not achieved to any large extent, but consumer choice was\nintro-duced, and local wage determination in various forms was introduced from\n1987 (Ibsen et al. 2011).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>In the 1990s, a center-left government continued many of the NPM-oriented\nreforms, especially in the form of management by contract and large-scale\nprivatizations of public utilities. Regarding wages, the trials from the 1980s\nwere made permanent and formalized when social partners in 1998 agreed to\nde-centralize part of wage determination within the framework of the new\nwage-system ‘Ny Løn’ and allow deviations from central working time\nprovisions (Ibsen et al. 2011).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>In the 2000s, the Liberal–Conservative government strengthened NPM with\nfree customer choice in wel-fare services and extended compulsory competitive\ntendering while maintaining strong central controls through performance and\nquality management (Ibsen et al. 2011). However, the government also\nintro-duced a number of reforms that were not NPM reforms in the strictest\nsense, although they included some NPM elements: Firstly, the Welfare Reform\nfrom 2006, whose aim was to redesign the public sector and its financing in\norder to meet the challenge of an aging population and other challenges.\nSecondly, the Quality Reform from 2007 that aimed to improve service levels and\njob satisfaction for public employ-ees; this reform promised to end detailed\ncontrol systems and enhance the focus on skills development and local\ninnovation. Social partners in the public sector followed up this reform by\nallocating financial resources when they made a tripartite agreement to support\nit in 2007 (Mailand 2006). Thirdly, and most important, the Structural Reform,\nwhich was implemented from 2007. NPM dimensions of this reform included central\ncontrol of performance and the mandate that quality and budgets should also be\nin-creased (Ibsen et al. 2011). The Structural Reform implemented changed the\nresponsibilities of the three main areas for public services – state,\ncounty\u002Fregion and municipalities. Moreover, it amalgamated 273 municipalities\nto 99 and 14 counties were liquidated and replaced by five regions with a\nnarrow range of responsibilities. The aim of reform was to create economies of\nscale and to improve welfare service by reshuffling the division of\nresponsibilities between the three main areas. The municipalities (local\ngov-ernments) were a net-gainer of areas of responsibility from the reform.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Regarding the IR-system, the Welfare Reform and the Quality Reform have had\nconsequences for the retirement age and further training whereas the Structural\nReform has led to larger workplaces and larger areas being covered by\ncollective bargaining and codetermination. Moreover, it has contributed to a\nde-cline in municipal employment.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>In the 2010s, a new centre-left government continued the work on reforms\nwith NPM features. One area where this can be seen is in the subcontracting of\npublic services, which is possible in the majority of pub-lic service areas and\nis used to a large extent. KL agreed in 2007 that 25 % of municipal public\nservices (of the services it is legally possible to subcontract) should be\n‘exposed to competition’, as mentioned above. However, to some extent, the\npresent decade has also seen a slowing down in the deepening of existing NPM\ninitiatives and in the introduction of new ones. In the IR-system, this is\nreflected in the low and stagnating share of wages negotiated at local level.\nThis wage-related development is partly crisis con-nected, but the slowdown of\nNPM is in some cases also a reaction to NPM itself. The so-called ‘trust-\nre-form’ launch by the centre-left government illustrates this. The reform\naims at reducing control over pub-lic-sector employees and managers and\nreducing the time they spend on reporting in order to allow them more time for\nthe core tasks of delivering quality welfare service (Mailand 2012).\nFurthermore, at least in some parts of the public sector, user involvement is\nnow an important tool (Hansen & Mailand 2015).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Some observers see the reform trend from the 2000s onwards as a departure\nfrom NPM and into New Public Governance and other trends, with an emphasis on\nnetworks, partnerships, user involvement and digitalization rather than NPM\nfocusing on marketization in various forms (e.g. Greve 2012). Such changes\nmight have been real, but NPM certainly still plays a role in public- sector\nemployment. New reform para-digms add to NPM rather than replace it.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Regarding the present decade, austerity measures have been included in the\n‘reform picture’. One ex-ample is that in 2011, municipal budget cuts.\nPartly because of this plan 20 % of municipalities experienced cuts in their\nbudget of 4 % or more between 2009 and 2011 (KL 2011). The center-left\ngovernment that came into office in September 2011 continued the tight budget\npolicy, but also introduced a stimulus package. The liberal-conservative\ngovernment coming into office in 2015 also continued cutting spending in the\npublic sector, for example with a demand of increasing productivity by 2 % each\nyear.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Ch2>2. The hospital sector\u003C\u002Fh2>\n\n\u003Ch3>2.1 Introduction to the sector\u003C\u002Fh3>\n\n\u003Cp>The five regions have operational responsibility for the public hospitals in\nDenmark, whilst overall respon-sibility remains with the National Health\nAuthority, which is part of the Ministry of Health (Sundheds- og\nældreministeriet). There are currently 57 public hospitals, but the number is\ndeclining fast due to the de-cision to introduce a new hospitals structure\nwhere (nearly) all hospitals are so-called ‘super-hospitals’ covering at\nleast 200.000 patients. When this new structure is fully implemented in 2020\nthe number of hospitals is reduced to 21 (Johansen 2014). Most hospitals will\nboth be larger and more specialised than the existing ones.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The budgets for public hospitals has overall increased rather than decreased\nsince the crisis. Figures from Danish Regions show that from 2009 to 2014 the\nbudget has increased with 5 %. Measure as share of GDP the expenditure has\nincreased as well. With 9,6 % the expenditure were just above the OECD average\non 8,6 % in 2013 (Danske Regioner 2016).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The public hospitals employed in 2016 a staff of 117,000, divided into:\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>• 14 % doctors,\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>• 45 % nurses (incl. lead nurses),\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>• 7 % nurse assistants,\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>• 7 % doctors secretaries and\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>• 27 % other support staff, including administrative staff, psychologists,\ncleaning staff, technical staff, porters, etc. (DSR 2016).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Besides the public hospitals, there exist around 18 private hospitals and\nlarger clinics, but the number is uncertain. The trade union for nurses (DSR)\nestimates that only around 1 % of their members’ works in private hospitals.\nThe scale of the private hospitals and clinics are so limited in Denmark that\nthis chapter will focus on the hospitals in the public sector.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>2.2 The social partners and the collective agreements\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Regarding social partner organizations, Danish Regions (Danske Regioner)\nrepresent employers’ interests. Danish Regions is the bargaining partner in\nthe bi- or triannual collective bargaining rounds. At the admin-istrative level\nof the regions (five in all) there are councils for employee involvement\n(so-called Coopera-tion Councils), and the general guidelines for staff policy\nat the hospital are formulated here, but no col-lective bargaining takes place.\nAt the hospitals themselves, collective bargaining takes place within the\nframework of the sector agreements (those with Danish Regions as the\nemployers’ association).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The structure is somewhat more complex on the employee side. The Health Care\nCartel (Sundhedskartellet) includes 11 trade unions, none of which is trade\nunions for doctors. The trade union for nurses (DSR) is by far the largest. The\nHealth Care Cartel negotiated until recently general working conditions and\nsome more occupation-specific conditions, whereas other occupation-specific\nconditions are negotiated by the individual trade unions. However, the Health\nCare Cartel became in mid-2014 part of a new broader cartel, The Danish\nAssociation of Local Government Employees Organisations\n(Forhan-dlingsfællesskabet), together with the former bargaining cartel for\nemployees in the municipalities and the regions. This development was a\nreaction to the 2013 industrial conflict described above, which in-cluded an\nincentive for creating stronger organizations on the trade union side.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Among the trade unions in the cartel, the trade union for nurses - DSR –\nis the largest with 61.000 mem-bers. Their precise organizational density is\nunknown, but is estimated to be around 85–90 %. Fagligt Fælles Forbund (3F)\norganises hospital porters, cleaning assistants and skilled service assistants.\nTrade and Labour (Fag og Arbejde, FOA) is also a member of LO and represents\noccupations with short education such as care workers, hospital assistants and\nskilled service assistants. Other unions organizing hospital employees include,\ne.g., The Danish Association of Biomedical Laboratory Scientists (Danske\nBioana-lytikere, Dbio) and The Danish Association of Midwives\n(Jordmoderforeningen).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>In the public sector, the collective agreements create a complex web. The\nhospitals are no exception, and there is a plethora of collective agreements\ncovering the hospitals. Areas that have been partly privatized – for\ninstance, cleaning – are covered by private sector collective agreements and\nwill not be covered in the present chapter. Collective bargaining coverage is\nclose to 100 %.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>2.3 Reforms and the role of social partners\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Reforms in the Danish public sector are decided upon either in the political\nsystem or in the collective bar-gaining system.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The collective bargaining rounds\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Industrial relations in the hospital related areas has been relatively\nconflictual, with industrial conflicts involving the nurses in 1995 and again\n1999. The first bargain round to be included here is the 2008 bar-gaining round\n- completed months before the first signs of the crisis - was also included\nindustrial conflict. It was the members of the Health Care Cartel and FOA who\nended up in an industrial conflict. The favour-able economic context – and\nmaybe the political pressures - made the three public employers - the state,\nregions and municipalities - accept a 12.8 % wage-increase over a three-year\nperiod. However, The Health Care Cartel and FOA requested a 15 % pay increase\nand were for a long period not open for compromises, even with the with the\nhelp of the National Arbitrator it was not possible to strike an agreement (Due\n& Madsen 2009). Unlike earlier sector-wide public sector industrial\nstrikes, the Government - a Liberal-Conservative government - did show no\nintention to intervene. In early May 2008, the parties agreed to a pay increase\nof 13.3 %, which due to internal distribution among FOAs members – implied a\n14 % wage increase for nurse assistants. The Health Care Cartel, however, only\nreached a compromise in mid-June, after planned lockouts had been added to the\nindustrial conflict. Also in this case, the compromise was a 13.3 % wage\nincrease (Due & Madsen 2009). However, the strike was so expensive\nespecially for DSR, that they had to increase membership fee substantially for\na long period and lost more than 3 % of their members (DSR 2016).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The following 2011 bargaining round was less dramatic in the hospital area\nand included few changes and no or limited increases in wages. The 2013\nbargaining ran relatively smooth too in the hospital-related areas. The agreed\nwage-increases were again very modest, and further decentralization of\ndecision-making power with regard to the Cooperation Councils was agreed. Most\nimportantly, however, was that the flexibilization of some types of hospital\ndoctors’ working time. This was a strong and long-lasting wish from the\nemployers, who wanted a better utilization of hospitals equipment beyond normal\nworking hours (Mailand 2014). The 2015 bargaining round included for the first\ntime since the economic crisis more than marginal wage-increases and further\nworking time flexibility for the hospital doctors, but no major changes for the\nhospital employees (Hansen & Mailand 2015).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Summing-up, industrial relations in the hospital-related areas has taken an\ninteresting development in the present decade, so that it not anymore represent\na part of the public sector with a high conflict-level, but rather a lower\nconflict level than the state bargaining area and the municipal bargaining\narea. Time will show if this is a lasting trend.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The involvement of social partners in public policy reforms\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The Structural Reform (implemented 2005-07) was ‘high politics’ and the\nsocial partners in the hospital areas were not among the most influential\norganizations. The reform was important for the regional em-ployers in that it\nrestructured their interest-organization from one with focused on counties,\nseveral poli-cies areas and public authority roles as well as employer role to\none focused on regions, one policy area (health) and the employer role mainly .\nApart from that, however, the interviews did not highlight this as one of the\nmost important initiatives for the hospitals.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>By far the most important political initiative was according to the\ninterviewees the abovementioned plan to introduce a new hospital structure with\n‘super-hospitals’. This was prepared in the ‘Expert panel re-garding\ninvestment in hospital’, which was established after an agreement between\ngovernment and Danish Regions in 2007. Regarding the role of the social\npartners, Danish Regions was one of the initiators of the panel, but not\nrepresented in it. Neither was any of the trade unions in the areas. However,\nit was possible to influence the decision-making through hearings.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Other initiatives emphasized in the interviews includes ‘Eight goals for\nhealth care authorities’, which was agreed by the Ministry of Health, Danish\nRegions and KL in 2016. The new eight goals is a way to improve the quality by\nsetting broad goals and having fewer indicators and fewer demands on processes\nand less registration. The introduction of a simpler model should be seen in\nthe light of the political aim of ‘de-bureaucratization’ and development of\nalternatives to NPM, which has been supported by most actors in the Danish\nhealth care sector, but which nevertheless still mainly are intentions rather\nthan initiatives.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Finally, the ‘annual economic agreements’ should be mentioned. These\nagreements are bargained on an annual basis between Danish Regions and the\ngovernment, and spell out the spending in different cate-gories, which during\nthe last few years have become less detailed compared to previous agreements.\nThese agreements have not included cutbacks in total, but have framed the\ndevelopment towards higher productivity, which at 2.4 % annually has increased\nmore in the hospitals than anywhere else in the public sector. The trade unions\nare not involved in the annual economic agreements.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Evaluation their overall political influence, DSR finds that they – when\nthey are involved in the political decision making processes at all – are\ninvolved late and\u002For are involved in so-called ‘following groups’ in\ndistance from the key decision making processes. Furthermore, are accordingly\nmost often involved when problems have to be solved in connection to, for\ninstance, cutbacks, work environment issues and working issues. The weak\ngovernment’s limited initiatives to involve DSR implies that often seeks\n‘to in-vite’ themselves’ in order to seek influence. The Union of\nSpecialized Doctors (Foreningen af Spe-ciallæger, FAS), on the other hand,\ngive a picture of a stronger influence and earlier involvement, illustrat-ing\nthe higher status and stronger power-position of the doctors than of the nurses\nand the support staff.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>2.4 Quantity and quality of jobs and the effect of reforms on these\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>This section and the following sections will focus primarily, but not\nexclusively, on the employee groups with lower education (the support staff)\nand medium level education (the nurses), whereas the situation of employees\nwith longer education (the doctors) will only be touched on briefly. Services\nthat have been outsourced are mainly cleaning and ambulance-service. These\ncould be argued to belong to other sectors than the hospital sector and will\nnot be covered here.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Quantity of employment and overview of employment types\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Tabel 2.1 shows, that the number of employees increased until 2010 (but has\nstarted to decrease again already from 2012, which the table does no show).\nSecondly, as expected, part-time work is very high.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Table 2.1: Employees by employment type in the hospital sector,\n2007–2013\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Ctable border=\"1\" style=\"width: 100%\">\n  \u003Ccaption>\u003C\u002Fcaption>\n  \u003Ccolgroup>\u003Ccol>\n  \u003Ccol>\n  \u003Ccol>\n  \u003Ccol>\n  \u003C\u002Fcolgroup>\u003Ctbody>\n    \u003Ctr>\n      \u003Ctd>\u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>2007\u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>2010\u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>2013\u003C\u002Ftd>\n    \u003C\u002Ftr>\n    \u003Ctr>\n      \u003Ctd>Full-time\u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>74,000\u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>85,000\u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>120,000\u003C\u002Ftd>\n    \u003C\u002Ftr>\n    \u003Ctr>\n      \u003Ctd>Part-time\n\n        \u003Cp>- Of these marginal part-time*\u003C\u002Fp>\n      \u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>36,000\n\n        \u003Cp>11,000\u003C\u002Fp>\n      \u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>42,000\n\n        \u003Cp>11,000\u003C\u002Fp>\n      \u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>88,000\n\n        \u003Cp>10,000\u003C\u002Fp>\n      \u003C\u002Ftd>\n    \u003C\u002Ftr>\n    \u003Ctr>\n      \u003Ctd>Fixed-term contracts\u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>14,000\u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>12,000\u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>14,000\u003C\u002Ftd>\n    \u003C\u002Ftr>\n    \u003Ctr>\n      \u003Ctd>Open ended contracts\u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>96,000\u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>115,000\u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>106,000\u003C\u002Ftd>\n    \u003C\u002Ftr>\n    \u003Ctr>\n      \u003Ctd>TAW\u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>4,000\u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>2,000\u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>3,000\u003C\u002Ftd>\n    \u003C\u002Ftr>\n    \u003Ctr>\n      \u003Ctd>Self-employed, no employees\u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>n.a.\u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>n.a.\u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>n.a.\u003C\u002Ftd>\n    \u003C\u002Ftr>\n    \u003Ctr>\n      \u003Ctd>Total (not a sum of the above)\u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>114,000\u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>129,000\u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>123,000\u003C\u002Ftd>\n    \u003C\u002Ftr>\n  \u003C\u002Ftbody>\n\u003C\u002Ftable>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>NB: The figures are numbers of employees, not full-time equivalents. Both\nprivate and public hospitals and clinics are included. Source: Statistics\nDenmark, tailored calculation, AKU. * = 15 hours or below, de facto working\nhours. Numbers below 2,000 not reported by Statistics Denmark (= n.a.).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>However, it is more important that the number of marginal part-timers is\nbelow the national average, because they have an increased risk of\nprecariousness. Danish Regions has formulated a ‘policy for full-time\npositions’, which took force in January 2014. The policy implies that new\npositions in the regions in general should be full-time positions and includes\ntargets for full-time employees in the regions (64 % in 2015 and 80 % in 2021)\nbut also a number of possibilities for exemptions, which could be a barrier for\nreaching the targets (Danske Regioner, 2013). However, the interviewees stated\nthat the policy was seri-ous and genuine. The reason for the regional employers\nto formulate such a policy was not to improve the employment situation for\npart-timers, but due to foreseen labour shortages.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Thirdly, fixed-term contracts are relatively widespread too. Fourthly,\nalthough TAW has attracted quite some attention, the numbers are quite low.\nFifthly, self-employment is nearly non-existing.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>However, table 2.1 hides interesting differences between the occupations.\nMost importantly, while near-ly all categories of employees has increased in\nnumbers, the category ‘support staff with short education’ has decreased\nsince 2010. Of the occupations that has grown, doctors has had the largest\nrelative increase (esundhed.dk). Hence, one of the most important challenges\nfor at the support staff is related not so much to wages and working conditions\nbut to job security and employment security. The main explana-tion given for\nthis development by the interviewees is that the periods the patients are\nhospitalised has shortened substantially in recent years, leading to less near\nfor support\u002Fcare and more need for ‘cure’.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The quality of employment for nurses – contract types and health &\nsafety\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>As seen from table 2.1, the majority of nurses are employed on open-ended\ncontracts, and self-employed nurses are nearly non-existing. Part-time\ncontracts and (less so) fixed-term contracts and TAW are widely used. Since\n2008, the part-timers have had the right to be upgraded to full-time employees,\nbut very few have exploited this opportunity (dr.dk, 16.06.11). Indeed,\npart-time work among nurses is predominantly voluntary. Apart from being paid\naccording to working hours, part-timers have the same wages and the same\nemployment and working conditions as full-timers, and the social benefits are\nthe same. As a result, precariousness does not seem to be a problem for\npart-time nurses.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The nurses working as temps often hold a full-time or a part-time open-ended\ncontract and are therefore mainly temping as a secondary job. Both before and\nafter 2010, the large majority of nurses signing up for external or internal\ntemp work were on open-ended contracts in the hospitals, as mentioned\nearlier.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Fixed-term contracts are relatively widespread in hospitals, and the figures\nare a bit higher than the na-tional average for all sectors. However, the use\nis not very widespread among nurses or among the sup-port staff, according to\nthe interviewees. Unfortunately, it has not been possible to provide figures\nfor this type of employment.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The nurses face health and safety problems due to work\nintensification\u002Fexcessive workloads. The prob-lems seems to have increased\nduring last years. There is now less doubt on the trade unions side that the\nproblems are severe. In a large-scale independent survey of all Danish\nemployees including the work en-vironment issues, members of DSR score on all\ndimensions their work environment as clearly more prob-lematic than the average\nDanish employee, including psychological burdens, time pressure and work load.\nAlso with regard to ‘increasing demand for documentation in recent years’,\nthe difference is substantial: 90 % of DSR members agree on this statement\ncompared to 63 % of all employees (Caraker et al. 2015). According to DSR, the\nmost important explanation is that although the number employees at the public\nhospitals (and the number of nurses) has increased rather than decreased the\nlast 15 years, the workload has increased substantially. The reasons for this\nincrease include also that each patient is hospitalised for shorter periods\nthen previously and therefor is in worse shape and demands more care. Moreover,\neach health employee has to do more tasks now than before. On the background of\nthis, DSR finds the cuts have now reached the bone. As a professional\norganization for leading doctors FAS is less outspoken in their critic than DSR\nin their critic, but regarding the 2 % productivity demand they agree with DSR.\nDanish Regions recognises that problems exists in certain department in\nhospitals, but is of the opinion that the right type of work organization is\nable to solve large parts of the problems.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The intense critique of the 2 % productivity demand seems to have had an\neffect. In late September 2017, the government announced – under pressure\nfrom the largest opposition party and their own supporting party – that the\ndemand will be abandoned, but no additional funding was promised.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Quality of employment for other health care staff and support staff\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Hospitals employ a large number of other health care staff and support\nstaff. These occupations appear not to be precarious to any notable extent. The\npositions are, in general, full-time open-ended contracts or long part-time\ncontracts that tend to be voluntary. For the abovementioned groups organised by\nFOA, 58 % were on full-time contracts (FOA 2012). However, with regard to\npart-time employment, so-called ‘hourly employees’ have less favorable\naccess to some social benefits compared to their colleagues on open-ended\ncontracts, although the problem has been reduced by lowering employment period\nthresh-olds to benefits in the collective agreements. Similar challenges exists\nfor a special category of fixed-term employees labelled ‘employees on\noccurrence of a special event’, the event being sick leave,\nmaterni-ty\u002Fpaternity leave or another kind of leave) and ‘call temps’\n(which is a type of zero-hour contract). The extent of the use of these\ncontracts for the occupations in focus is, however, according to the\ninterview-ees limited in the hospitals, whereas they are much more widespread\nin other parts of the health care sector. The same pattern exist regarding the\nuse of marginal part-time employees (FOA 2017).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Work intensification\u002Fexcessive workload has increasingly become an issue of\nconcern, as indicated in the section on nurses. For several of the support\ngroups with lower level of qualifications the problems is according to trade\nunion interviewees, that the staff reductions has not been accompanied by a\npropor-tional reduction in the volume of work tasks.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Ch3>2.5 Effect of the job changes for quantity and quality of the service\u003C\u002Fh3>\n\n\u003Cp>As shown above, the total number of employees has increased, but the number\nof patients has increased more and some degree of work intensification has\ntaken place. The extent to which this has ’spill-over’ to work environment\nproblem is a matter of controversy. Is there seen an effect on quantity and\nquality of services too?\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>By far the majority of the main goals and indicators of the hospitals show a\npositive development. Since 2009, overall activity, productivity and\npatients’ satisfaction has increased, whereas waiting time and mor-tality has\nbeen reduced (Danish Regions 2016). Hence, the effect of the work\nintensification on service quantity and quality does not (yet) show in the\nstatistics. One interpretation of this is that the lack of ‘real’ cuts in\nbudget and number of employees rescue the quality of service despite of work\nintensification. Another interpretation comes from the DSR – the most\noutspoken organization regarding work intensifi-cation. A DSR interviewee, who\nacknowledge the positive development in the main indicators, but never-theless\nargue that an increasing share of their members find their work situation\n‘professionally indefen-sible’ and that the risk of making mistakes,\nincluding serious ones, has increased due to the work intensi-fication.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>During 2017, political mobilisation to abandon or at least change the\nGovernment demand for a 2 % yearly increase in productivity has increased and\nso has the media coverage of the negative consequences of it. As described, DSR\nand other stakeholders see the demand as one of the main courses of the\nproblems with work intensification and service quality. In late September, just\ntwo weeks prior to the publication of this report, the Government announced\nthat they would abandon the demand. The question is what will replace it and if\nthe new regulation will reduced the work load overall.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>It is also notable, that the use of outsourcing – apart from cleaning and\nambulance service - has been lim-ited at the hospitals, again with\ndissimilarity with the municipal health care sector. Outsourcing in these two\nareas have a longer history, but it is still occasionally debated if the\nservice has been reduced here, most often in connection with specific\nproblematic cases in individual regions.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Ch2>3. Primary and lower secondary public education\u003C\u002Fh2>\n\n\u003Ch3>3.1 Introduction\u003C\u002Fh3>\n\n\u003Cp>In 2013, Denmark had 1.312 public schools for the age group 6-15 and 548\nprivate schools for the same age group. Less than a fifth of all students\nattended private schools, though the tendency has been growing in recent years.\nIn the remainder of this section, the focus is on the public schools.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The Danish Folkeskole (‘Peoples School’) covers both (public) primary\nand lower secondary education, i.e. grade 0–6 and grade 7–9\u002F10 (pupils\ntraditionally from age 6 to 15). The Folkeskole is regulated through the\nFolkeskole Act, which sets the over-all framework for the schools’\nactivities. According to the act, it is the municipal local council, which is\nresponsible for the running of the school. The Structural Reform has re-sulted\nin the merging of a number of schools locally in order to create larger, more\nspecialized school units. Many schools today cover two or more school units,\nwith one shared management. Moreover, the number of children has decreased in\nrecent years.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Regarding the job level, figures show a 7.2 % decrease in the total number\nof employed teachers from the school year 2008\u002F09 to the school year 2011\u002F12\n(UNI.C 2012). According to KL, there were 51.453 full-time teaching positions\nwithin Folkeskolen in December 2013. However, this number will probably further\ndecrease as 35.000 fewer schoolchildren are expected to enter the public school\nsystem in 2025 (KL 2013).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Regarding expenditure, expenditure in Folkeskolen per pupil decreased 10 %\n(adjusted for price- and wage development) 2007-13. Increased expenditure in\nconnections with the 2013\u002F14-reform reduced the decrease to 4 % (Økonomi- og\nindenrigsministeriet 2017).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Ch3>3.2 The social partners\u003C\u002Fh3>\n\n\u003Cp>A number of organizations are involved in the traditional social dialogue in\nthe basic school sector, includ-ing KL, which is also the interest group and\nmember authority of all Danish municipalities. The Danish Un-ion of Teachers\n(DLF) organises teachers of public and private schools and counts 91.000\nmembers. How-ever, another and an increasingly significant employee group in\nthe Folkeskole is the early childhood and youth educators, represented by the\ntrade union BUPL. School principals are represented by their own organization.\nThus, KL, BUPL, DLF and the Association of School Leaders are the main\ncollective bargaining partners in the school sector. These organizations are\nalso represented in the social dialogue on the gen-eral development of the\nschool.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Ch3>3.3 The collective agreements\u003C\u002Fh3>\n\n\u003Cp>This section focuses on collective agreements for the teachers.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Working time has always been a controversial issue in industrial relations\nin the teaching filed, and since the 1990s the regulation of it has gradually\nbeen decentralized and made more flexible, although DLF managed to maintain a\nstrong influence over the issue (Hansen 2012). In the Folkeskole area, steps\nto-wards a more flexible and decentralised and less bureaucratic working time\nregulation had been agreed upon during the 2008 collective bargaining round. KL\nrecognised this as a step in the right direction, but found it insufficient. In\nthe case of the gymnasiums, an agreement had almost been reached with the\nDanish National Union of Upper Secondary School Teachers (GL) during the 2011\nbargain round, but failed at the last minute, causing considerable frustration\nin the Ministry of Finance.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>At the collective bargaining round 2013, working time was removed from the\ncollective bargaining arena. The new working time regulation resulting from\nthis should be seen in connection with the 2013 Folke-skole reform (see below),\nin that the changes made during the collective bargaining round 2013\ncontrib-uted to the financing of the reform.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The public employers’ aim was a winding–up of all existing local\nagreements on working time for teachers in the Folkeskole (municipal\nemployers’ demands) and in most post-15 education institutions (state\nem-ployers’ demands) in order to strengthen management prerogative. In the\ncase of the Folkeskole, the aim was also to facilitate and finance the\nimplementation of a large-scale reform (see below). According to employers, the\naim was not to make the teachers work longer, but to enable them to spend more\ntime in the classroom with the pupils. DLF contested the employers' claims\narguing, that, on the contrary, re-duced hours in preparation would reduce the\nquality of education.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The bargaining process in the gymnasium area ended in early February. After\na long standstill in the ne-gotiations, GL agreed to waive their claim for the\nright to bargain on working time, and for the phasing out of the special senior\nconditions, which was also one of the employers’ demands. In return, they\nreceived a substantial wage increase and a (limited) fixed framework\n(‘fence’) to secure planning and avoid an excess teaching workload. In\njustifying the decision to strike an agreement, GL’s general secretary\nex-plained that GL would have lost their bargaining right in any case, because\nthe Ministry of Finance would have been willing to initiate an industrial\nconflict on the issue, which GL could not have won. By accepting ‘the\nunacceptable’ during the bargaining phase, GL obtained a substantial economic\ncompensation.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>However, DLF made it clear that they needed a compromise for the Folkeskole\nteachers, and not only compensation as the offer to GL included. In the end of\nFebruary, the attempt to strike an agreement therefore continued under the\nleadership of the National Arbitrator, who had to give up after just two weeks.\nA lockout of nearly all Folkeskole teachers came into force. However, neither\nDLF, nor KL and the Ministry of Finance, changed their positions during the\nlockout. After three and half weeks, the Govern-ment decided that it was time\nto intervene to prevent the lockout from having too great an effect on the\nfinal examinations of both the Folkeskole and the vocational education sector.\nThe Government had, well in advance, secured its backing from large parts of\nthe opposition. Hence, after a speedy two-day process in Parliament, the\nlegislative intervention came into force in May 2013. In sum, the intervention\nmet the employers’ main demands, and the compensation was limited and mainly\nrelated to wage. Calculated per teacher, it was substantially lower than the\nsum the gymnasium teachers received.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Because of the abovementioned government intervention, the teachers working\ntime is now regulated by legislation. However, during the collective bargaining\nround 2015 KL and DLF (and KL and Ministry of Finance in the state bargaining\narea) agreed on a ‘common understanding’ in order to improve relations\nbetween the parties and facilitate the implementation of the new working time\nregulation regime locally. The common understanding add to, rather than\nreplaces, the law (Hansen & Mailand 2015).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Ch3>3.4 Reforms\u003C\u002Fh3>\n\n\u003Cp>During the last 15- 20 years, the main developments in the Folkeskole have\nbeen to: Differentiate be-tween the educational needs of pupils with different\nlearning capacity; strengthen basic skills in maths, reading and writing;\nintroduce English at an earlier stage; use more national tests and common\ngoals; in-troduce individual ‘learning plans’; and deal with increased\ncompetition from private schools.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The latest reform prior to the ‘big reform’ agreed in 2013 was the new\nFolkeskole Act from 2009. One of the main elements of the 2009 reform is that\nthe nine years in Folkeskolen should no longer be seen as a closed process\nending with the final exam, but as a process that prepares for further\neducation. Worries about the approximate 20 % of the youth cohort who never\ncompletes a further education is clearly re-flected in the reform (Aarhus\nUniversitet 2017).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The main elements of the school reform 2013 was:\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>•A longer school day\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>•More lessons in Danish and Maths for level 4–9, because the two core\nsubjects are seen as fun-damental to be able to learn other subjects\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>•Earlier foreign language learning: English from level 1, a second foreign\nlanguage (Ger-man\u002FFrench) from level 5 and an opportunity to choose an optional\nthird foreign language in level 7\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>•Homework assistance at the school\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>•Exercise and movement integrated in all students' school days for an\naverage of 45 minutes each day in order to enhance students' motivation,\nlearning and health\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>•Continuing education of principals (Undervisningsministeriet 2013).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Ch3>3.5 Quantity and quality of jobs and the effects of reforms on these\u003C\u002Fh3>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Quantity of jobs and employment types\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The number of employed teachers in Folkeskolen has decreased by 4.7% from\n2010 to 2015. However, in the same period the number of pupils decreased by\n4.4%, indicating that the demographic development might be the most important\ndriver. Teachers with open-ended contracts decreased by 7 % during the same\nperiod, while fixed-term employed teachers in Folkeskolen more than doubled\nfrom 2200 to 5500 in the period from 2013-2016. KL find that the increased use\nof hourly paid employees is a consequence of the reform’s qualification\nrequirements, which send teachers and pedagogues through further training and\nthereby create a need for replacements, but point also to the increasing\nteaching time as part of the explanation (Pedersen 2015). By contrast, DLF\npoints to the shortage of teachers as the main reason for the increasing use of\nhourly-paid teachers. The teachers must work faster, and according to DLF this\nhas created a negative spiral and makes it less attractive to be a teacher\n(Hansen 2015).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>An increased number of teachers have found a job in another profession after\nthe new reform and new regulations. More specifically, 3.6 % of the teachers\nemployed in 2014, had by the following year found a new job in another\nprofession. This compare with teachers employed in 2012, only 2.2 % had found\nof whom new job in another profession (Drescher et al. 2016).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Local working time regulation and types of working time\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The implementation of teachers working time regulation at municipal and\nlocal level varies. A framework agreement between the main social partners in\nthe municipalities have since 1999 made it possible for all personnel groups in\nlocal government to sign local agreements on working time. This possibility\nalso in-cludes teachers before as well as after 2013.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>In the immediate aftermath of the 2013 conflict, KL advised local\nmunicipalities to refrain from entering into new local agreements on working\ntime. Nevertheless, some municipalities engaged early on in forms of social\ndialogue with the local branches of DLF. Over time KL have softened their\nstance on local social dialogue, though they still warn municipalities of\nentering into agreements that tie up resources.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>For the school year 2015\u002F2016, 54 local municipalities out of the 98 Danish\nmunicipalities reached an agreement or mutual understanding with the local\nbranch of DLF. In addition, 12 municipalities formulated an administrative\npaper (Hansen 2017) . A newly published memo from DLF indicates that the number\nof local agreements by March 2017 had increased to 69 (DLF 2017).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The reform resulted in a higher numbers of hours for class lessons. The\nregulation on teachers working time distinguishes between teaching time and\nremaining time. The remaining time includes all other work assignments apart\nfrom class lessons. Survey data indicates that finding time for preparation and\nevalua-tion of teaching is the biggest challenge after The School Reform\n(Bjørnholt et al. 2015:6).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Another significant change following the regulation on the teachers working\ntime is the principle regard-ing presence at the workplace during the workday.\nAccording to this principle, all work-tasks – including individual\npreparation – should take place at the school. For some teachers, the sharper\ndivision between workday and time for leisure this has been a positive\nexperience. For others, it is a negative experiences challenging their\nprofessional norms with not enough time for preparation and creativity (Hansen\n2017).Teachers are found to be more positive about the regulations in\nmunicipalities with the new local agreements\u002Fcommon understandings, if these\nresemble earlier agreements (Bjørnholt et al. 2015).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Sickness leave and benefits\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The proportion of teachers on sick leave was below 3% during the period from\n2010 to the mid- 2013. Af-ter the reform, the number increased to about 4 %.\nHowever, it decreased slightly in the fourth quarter of 2015 (Drescher et al.\n2016:9). Furthermore, absence due to illness rose from 11.1 days in 2013 to\n13.9 in 2015 in Folkeskolen (Drescher et al. 2016). The increase seen in the\nschool sector might be ascribable to the changes in relation to the reform and\nthe working hour regulation, but it could also be based on other factors. Local\nbudgetary difficulties, municipal austerity, and restructuring of local school\nsystems are fac-tors of huge importance for the pressures experienced at school\nlevel (Hansen 2017).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>In general, the teachers give a more positive reaction to the working hour\nregulations if the new local agreement have a closer resemblance to earlier\nregulations. Moreover, around 4 % of the teachers em-ployed in municipalities\nwithout local agreements in 2014 changed job to another municipality. This\nnum-ber is 1%-point higher than in municipalities with a local agreement\n(Ibid.).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Summary: The effect of the school reform on job quantity and job quality\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Indicators here shortly after the implementation of the reform show in many\ncases only small changes:\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The decline in the number of teachers has been matched by a decline in the\nnumber of students, so the decline cannot be seen as an expression of\nausterity. Whatever the explanation for this, there has been a decrease in\nopen-ended contracts and an increase in the use of atypical employees,\nrepresenting a de-clining job quality. Whether this change will be permanent is\ndifficult to judge. As planned, the principal’s decision-making power has\nincreased and the teachers’ voice regarding working time has been reduced,\nbut the local agreements reflect variation in this reduction. There are some\n(vague) indications of a posi-tive effect of the presence of local agreements\non work environment dimensions. Regarding working environment, there are some\npositive indications after the implementation of the reform (such as less use\nof leisure time for work, the feeling of still having some autonomy and being\nmotivated), but most indications are negative (reduced motivation, reduced job\nsatisfaction, slight increase in sickness absence, preparation outside normal\nworking hours).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Ch3>3.6 Effect of the job changes for quantity and quality of the service\u003C\u002Fh3>\n\n\u003Cp>Due to the early stage of the implementation of the reform, it is difficult\nto make solid conclusions regard-ing the effect on the quality of services i.e.\nquality of teaching. One of the latest large-scale surveys com-pares the\npupils’ experiences in early 2016 with the situation before the reform in\nearly 2014. The pattern is more or less similar to those regarding the quantity\nand quality of employment from the previous sec-tions: Either no change has\ntaken place, or the changes are small and mainly in a negative direction. The\nformer is the case concerning the support from parents and teacher-parent\nrelations, the latter is the case concerning the overall satisfaction, the\ncontent of the lessons, and the extent to which there are clear goals with the\nteaching. The only main indicator which shows a change of more than a few\npercent-age-point change is the share of the pupils that is of the opinion that\nthe school day is too long. The share increased from 46 % in 2014 to 82 % in\n2016 (Nielsen et al. 2016).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Another recent official evaluation has analysed six elements of the school\nreform also only point to mar-ginal marginal changes, with the exception of the\nreform element increased physical activities, which had led to an increase in\nmotivation and well-being (Jacobsen et al. 2017).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The social partners’ readings of these and other official evaluations\ndiffers – maybe not surprisingly. KL emphasises in their summary of the\nreform: That the share of pupils with ‘high participation’ in teaching has\nincreased by 3.5 % 2014-16, that the increases is largest among girls, pupils\nfrom homes with weak educational tradition and ethnic minorities, and that 95 %\nof the parents still have an overall positive eval-uation of Folkeskolen.\nHowever, KL also emphasise that the share of parents that report on disturbing\nnoise in teaching is no less than 30 % and that the share of parents who take\npart in school related activi-ties has dropped from 58 to 38 % (KL 2017). DLF\nhas a less positive view of the effect of the reform. Their own evaluation show\nthat only 13 % of their members in 2015 found that the reform worked well, and\nthat this number had dropped to 12 % in 2016. Moreover, DLF point to the\ngeneral lack of effect found in Jacobsen et al.’s evaluation (Folkeskolen\nJune 9, 2016; Folkeskolen January 24, 2017). Also in relation to the long- term\ndevelopment of Folkeskolen DLF is critical. Although DLF admits, that the\nincrease in aver-age size of the class from 20.4 pupils in 2009 to 21.7 in 2017\nis not that dramatic, the same period also show that the number of pupils in\nclasses with more than 25 pupils has increased in the same period from 17 to 27\n%. The class size has not changed since 2013 (DLF 2015).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Ch2>4. Eldercare\u003C\u002Fh2>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Ch3>4.1 Introduction to the sector\u003C\u002Fh3>\n\n\u003Cp>Eldercare in Denmark is provided free of charge and consists of a wide range\nof services such as residen-tial care, home help, personal care and various\nforms of health care. Danish municipalities are responsible for eldercare\nprovision and it is one of their core services. Eldercare accounts for a\nsignificant share of the municipalities’ annual expenditures and amounted to\n4.5 % of the Danish GDP in 2015 (Rostgaard & Mat-thiessen 2016).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The eldercare sector employs overall 105.000 employees, which roughly is\nequal to a quarter of all munici-pal employees. In the period from 2010 to 2015\nthe number of employees within eldercare decreased by 2 % (FOA 2016a). During\nthe same period, the number of elderly citizens over the age of 80 increased by\n6 % to 241.000 persons (Statistical Denmark).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Comparing the situation in 2017 with 2007, expenditure on eldercare has\nincreased. However, when the number of users (elder persons) are taken into\naccount, the adjusted for price and wage development spending has been reduced\nby 25 % per elder person (Økonomi- og indenrigsministeriet 2017). The budg-et\nfor eldercare is decided by the individual municipalities within the framework\nof the annual economic agreement signed by KL and the Government.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The eldercare is divided into two main parts. One part includes traditional\nnursing homes where the el-derly live in housing facilities with small\napartments or rooms for each person and provision of full time nursing. In\nseveral cases, the nursing homes have additional living facilities, so-called\n‘protected accom-modation’ (‘beskyttede boliger’) where the elderly can\nstay in e.g. an apartment with extra help and as-sistance, but still have to\nmanage on their own. The second type is nursing care at home (aka home help\nservices). It is a public provided service including cleaning, cooking and\npersonal care to the dependent older people, who are approved by the\nmunicipalities to receive help. The fact that home help is free of charge and\nprimarily publicly funded is unique in a Scandinavian context (Rostgaard\n2015).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Occupations\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The eldercare sector employs a wide range of health and social care staff,\nwhich can roughly be divided into the following groups:\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>•Social and health care assistants, who work in nursing homes as well as\nprovide home help and per-sonal care. The education of this group ranges from 3\nyears and 10 months to 4 years and 7 months\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>•Social and health care helpers, who have completed a 2 years and 2 months\ncourse and perform simi-lar care-related tasks within the eldercare sector as\nthe social and health care assistants.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>•Nutrition assistants who ensure that older people receive proper\nnutrition. These nutrition assistants have completed an education of between 2\nyears and 4 years and 2 months of duration.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>•Other occupations such as nurses and doctors are as also present in the\nsector, but the aforemen-tioned groups are the most widespread.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Since 2005, the eldercare sector has overall experienced an improved skills\nlevel (Rostgaard & Matthies-sen 2016.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Ch3>4.2 The social partners and the collective agreements\u003C\u002Fh3>\n\n\u003Cp>KL has the employer role in collective bargaining and other forms of labour\nmarket regulation. FOA is the largest trade union in the eldercare sector. It\nmostly organises public employed workers with shorter ed-ucation within\ncleaning, cooking, childcare, and social and health services.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The Danish eldercare sector is characterized by high union density estimated\nto be around 90 % and al-most full collective agreement coverage (Larsen et al.\n2010:268). Results from a survey among leaders and care institutions in 2010\ndescribe that 88 % of self-governed or independent institutions are covered by\ncollective agreements (Ibid.). The collective agreements will affect the\nworking conditions and terms of employment of none-covered areas of the private\nsector as a spill over impact on the expectations and demands from the\nemployees (Larsen et al. 2010). It should be added that most of the employees\nin the sector are covered by the Salaried Workers Act in addition to the\ncollective bargaining.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Ch3>4.3 Reforms and the role of the social partners\u003C\u002Fh3>\n\n\u003Cp>Due to an ageing population and a political request for effectiveness, the\nDanish eldercare sector has ex-perienced a series of changes. NPM reforms have\nto a large extent affected the Danish eldercare sector with the adoption of\nNPM-measures such as time registration, documentation and use of private\nprovid-ers to ensure productivity and effectivity (Kamp et al. 2013).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>In the late 1990s, quality standards and the initiative ‘Mutual\nLanguage’ (Fælles Sprog) was developed to streamline the provided service\nand the time spend on care for each elderly person. In 2003, the divide between\npurchaser and provider was introduced. Requests by public authorities for\nincreased documen-tation is also an important development. From 2005 to 2015,\nthe number of employees working with doc-umentation and administrative tasks\nhas increased from 10 % to 44 %. In addition, the eldercare sector employees\nexperienced an increasing amount of more practical services regarding cleaning\nand a de-crease in the volume of care-related services in the period from 2005\nto 2015. For example 69 % of em-ployees in 2005 described coffee drinking with\nthe elderly as a part of their job description – this share had decreased to\n36 % in 2015 (Rostgaard & Matthiessen 2016).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Marketization through contracting-out and free client choice are also\nimportant NPM-tools in Danish eldercare. Free client choice means that the\nmunicipalities are obliged to provide different options of providers for\ncleaning and eldercare services to older people entitled to home help (The\nNational Board of Social Services 2016). Especially regarding the delivery of\nhome help to older people living in their own homes, the share of private\ncontractors has increased from 26 % in 2008 to 38 % in 2014 (KRL 2016).\nRe-garding nursing homes the use of private providers are less widespread, but\ndifferent types of ownership have become more widespread due to recent\nmodernization reforms in the public sector.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Public tendering is used to insure the free consumer choice. Approximately\n38 private providers of home help have faced bankruptcy since 2013, which may\nindicate financial conditions too narrow to compete and fulfil the contract\nagreed. According to a trade union interviewee, the tendency of bankruptcies\nhas led to the necessity of municipal backup teams to ensure and maintain the\nnursing care.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Regarding the large-scale reforms covering the entire public sector, the\neldercare sector was only briefly mentioned in the policy papers of the\nStructural Reform 2007, but the sector was nevertheless affected by the reform.\nAs a method to enhance the effectivity of the health sector - including\neldercare - a com-pulsive collaboration between the municipalities with\nresponsibility for eldercare and the regions with responsibility of the\nhospitals was agreed in 2007. The agreement compelled municipalities to create\nnew solutions within prevention and rehabilitation to prevent hospitalization\nand through that retrench the financial support from the municipalities to the\nregions (Dahl 2008). To support this, a joint coordination committee was set-up\nwith the aim to implement the so-called ‘Agreements on health’ (part of the\nStruc-tural Reform) to ensure the coordination between hospital and the\nmunicipalities.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The most important reforms since the economic crisis has been the\naforementioned annual economy agreements between the Government, KL and Danish\nRegion and the Recovery Plan, which caused that 20 % of the 98 Danish\nmunicipalities experienced budget cuts of 4 % in the period 2009-11 (KL 2011).\nIn the post-crisis era, focus on rights of clients has also been prioritized.\nThe ‘Commission of the Elderly’ was set up as a part of the agreement\nregarding the annual budget in 2011 and aimed to enhance focus on the\nindividual’s quality of life and self-determination (The Commission of the\nElderly 2012). According to a trade union interviewed, the economic crisis has\nlegitimated these budget cuts and the increased focus on efficiency and further\nmodernization of the eldercare sector.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Additional earmarked funds have been part of the annual budget for 2014 and\n2016, respectively with the aim to ensure the ‘dignity’ of the Danish\nelderly’. This illustrates, along with the recent appointment of a Minister\nfor the Elderly in 2016, that eldercare is high on the political agenda.\nHowever, the expenditure per elderly continues to decline.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The role of the social partners\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The trade union interviewees representing the eldercare sector emphasized\nnearly exclusively their role in the collective bargaining arena, indicating\nthat this is there arena where they have by far the greatest influence. Thus,\nthis section will not include the role of the social partners in the political\n(reform) arena to any great extent.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The collective bargaining round in the public sector 2008 diverged from the\nmoderate level of conflict. Relevant also for the negotiations in 2008 were the\nincreased focus on employees, the so-called ‘warm hands’, to insure the\nquality of care prior to and during the bargaining round at sectoral level.\nAnother key trade union demand was equal pay. These issues became the focal\npoints in the negotiations and were brought forward as a struggle for equal pay\nin a sector traditionally occupied by women (Due & Madsen 2009). It was the\nmembers of the Health Care Cartel and FOA (with nurse assistance working at the\nhospi-tals as one of the largest groups), who ended up in an industrial\nconflict, which was all about the money (see section 2.3).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The collective bargaining round 2011, 2013 and 2015 was less dramatic, and\nincluded only few changes – and limited wage growth – in the sector.\nHowever, the interviewees from the social part-ners representing the eldercare\nsector emphasized the change in power relations.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Around the same time, FOA tried to influence the political agenda regarding\nthe physical and psychologi-cal work environment in the eldercare sector. They\npointed to the shorter life expectancy for the social care workers compared to\ne.g. academics and pointed the possibilities of differentiated retirement age.\nThese attempts was a joint attempt with other relevant trade unions.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>As a part of the cartel-level bargaining in at the collective bargaining\nround in 2015 was the set-up of fund aimed to ensure education possibilities\nfor unskilled employees and further training for employees with short\neducation. The target group was employees above the age of 25 with more than 5\nyears of experi-ence in the Danish municipalities. This training initiative may\nhave affected the formerly mentioned en-hanced skill-level of the eldercare\nsector in Denmark.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Ch3>4.4 Quantity and quality of jobs\u003C\u002Fh3>\n\n\u003Cp>As previously mentioned, the number of employees within eldercare has\ndecreased by 2 % in the period from 2010 to 2015 (FOA 2016a) and four\npercentage-points decline in employee per elderly person in the period from\n2010 to 2015 (Rostgaard & Matthiesen 2016). According to representatives\nfrom FOA, the way the economic crises has affected the quantity of employment\nin the eldercare sector by increasing the number of employees with longer\neducation, such as legal advisors and economic consultants. This may alienate\nthe care professions from the decision-making and consequently reduce the\nprofessional autonomy. According to FOA, the unemployment rate for their\nmembers stands at 2.7 %, compared to the average of 3.4 % for the remaining\nmembers (FOA 2016b).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Non-standard employment: The sector register a growing number of employees\nworking part-time (un-der 35 hours a week). In 2015, only 21 % of the employees\nproviding home help and 23 % of the employ-ees in nursing homes worked 35 hours\nor more per week. Moreover, FOA has also experienced an a rapid increase in the\nnumber of members in marginal part-time positions in the municipalities working\n7 hours a per week or less (FOA 2017). Finally, a study from 2009 showed that\neldercare is one of the areas within the public sector that uses most temporary\nemployees – the share at that time were 21 % of all employ-ees (Larsen\n2008).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Work satisfaction, health and safety: 75 % of the employees in the Danish\neldercare sector perceive their work as interesting and meaningful. This level\nhas not changed much since 2005. However, 33 % of the employees providing home\nhelp describe their working day as too stressful (Rostgaard & Matthiesen\n2016), and 67 % agreed or partly agreed that the employees where compelled to\nwork faster than previ-ously (Larsen & Navrbjerg 2010).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Regarding work satisfaction, there seems to be a tension between the new\nmarket-oriented rationality in the sector and the high level of professionalism\nand occupational identity of the employees. With the introduction of time\nregistration and documentation demands a perception of degraded quality of the\nservice is widespread by the eldercare workers, of which the majority has\nexperienced increasing work-loads (Kamp et al. 2013).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Job- and employment security: The profound organizational changes around\n2007 created insecurity among workers due to transformed work places and tasks\n(Dahl 2008). Moreover, the number of suppli-ers who have experienced insolvency\nleaving many elderly citizens without the help needed. Therefore, an increasing\nnumber of employees in the eldercare sector are worried about their job and\nemployment security due to repeated rounds organizational changes. The number\nhas increased from 11 % in 2005 to 32 % in 2015 (Rostgaard & Matthiesen\n2016).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Ch3>\u003C\u002Fh3>\n\n\u003Ch3>4.5 The effect of changes in job quantity and quality on the service\u003C\u002Fh3>\n\n\u003Cp>Media and politicians are highly interested in measuring the quality of\neldercare services, but it is a com-plicated task and it is difficult to\nformulate true and fair definitions of quality care. Moreover, it is difficult\nto ensure comparability in a Danish context with standards of quality, because\nthe standards are deter-mined by the individual municipality. This may also be\nthe very reason why the quality of eldercare has only to a limited extent been\nresearched in Denmark (Hjelmar et al. 2016). The Danish Health Authorities’\nconduct national inspections on health related issues. However, these do not\ninclude the quality of the social interaction between staff and the elderly\n(procedural quality).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The only encompassing large-scale study to date of the quality of eldercare\nbuilds on a survey among di-rectors of Danish nursing homes and the coding of\ninspection reports (Hjelmar et al. 2016). According to this study, the quality\nof services provided has only to a limited extent been affected negatively by\nthe marketization reforms and increased use of private providers.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Another study evaluates the service quality is the national inspection\nreports and find that the number of serious remarks have remained fairly stable\n2009 to 2015, fluctuating between 5 % and 9 % of the inspec-tions. Also the\nnumber of nursing homes without any remarks continues to be relatively\nunchanged at 3 – 4 % during that period (The Danish Health Authorities 2011;\nThe Danish Patient Safety Authorities 2015). Hence, no change over time in\nservice quality using this source either.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Whereas there is a lack of evidence in the research community for a negative\nimpact on the quality of eldercare of outsourcing, most stakeholders seems to\nagree that problems exists. The former responsible minister for eldercare found\nthat the municipalities look to much at the price and too little at the quality\nwhen eldercare is outsourced (dr.dk February 24, 2017). FOA asks for mechanisms\nthat could force the municipalities not to accept the lowest bid, if this is\nunrealistically low. FOA sees furthermore a connection with the unrealistically\nlow bids and the continuously high level of bankruptcy among the private\nelder-care providers (FOA February 20, 2017). Also the organization Danish\nIndustries (DI), representing the service providers, has warned against always\nchoosing the cheapest offer from their member companies, because this might\nlead to insufficient quality and bankruptcy. KL, as the main responsible actor,\nfind that the municipalities already have an eye for the price-quality balance\nand refers to KL’s guidelines for out-sourcing (Politiken October 10,\n2015).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Ch2>5. Comparison and conclusions\u003C\u002Fh2>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>In the following, we will relate the projects six sub-questions - mentioned\nunder the two overall research questions - to the findings. The answers will as\nfar as possible first use the cross-sector sections of the report to address\nthe six questions, and then address each of the six questions with regard to\nthe three sectors in focus. Finally, similarities and differences between the\nthree sectors will be discussed.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Ch3>\u003C\u002Fh3>\n\n\u003Ch3>5.1 Changes with regard to the social partner organizations\u003C\u002Fh3>\n\n\u003Cp>The first sub-question concerned changes within the last 15 years with\nregards to ‘the social partners’ structure and organizational capacity,\nideologies and strategies, relationships (consensual or conflictive) and the\ncoverage of collective bargaining, social dialogue and other relevant\nprocesses’. Because of the questions very broad scope, it is nearly\nimpossible to answer generally for the public sector within the limits of this\nnational report. However, a focus on the three selected sectors might also\nprovide some information that can contribute to a general picture.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Regarding ideology in the public sector as a whole, it is worth to mention\nthat a sort of NPM-agenda – that some observers prefer to label\n‘modernization’ in its Nordic version – has developed under government\nand employer leadership. It is a version that in general has not excluded the\npublic sector trade unions and the role of collective bargaining. The trade\nunions have gradually, but only partly, accepted the NPM-agenda.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Another overall development might be partly related to this, but has only\nbeen visible in the present dec-ade: that the public employers have become the\nmost pro-active part in collective bargaining, often leav-ing the trade unions\nwith a reactive role.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>In the hospital sector collective bargaining coverage is still close to 100\n%. Some organizational change has taken place, in that the employers’\norganization has developed from a mixed employer\u002F public authority organization\nto a more ‘pure’ employer organization. On the employee side, the trade\nunions in the Health cartel were in the beginning of the 15-year period part of\nthe wider collective bargaining cartel, before leaving and the coming back to\nit recently. Hence, their strategy with regard to ‘alone or together’ seems\nto vary. Also the balance between consensus and conflict has varied throughout\nthe years, with 2008 being a peak on the conflict side. The organizations’\norganizational capacities have declined due to declining membership, but only\nmarginally so. The organizational capacity - and strike capacity - of the\nnurses’ union (DSR) was however seriously reduced for a couple of years after\n2008.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cdiv class=\"cbaClause highlight\" id=\"clause-strikes_trigger\">\u003Cp>The school sector could be argued to show a little less stability throughout\nthe 15 years period, but mostly due to what has happened since 2013. The\ngradual decentralization of the working time issue, that began in the 1990s and\ndeveloped until 2008, was insufficient for the public employers and the\nprevious Social-democratic led government. The bargaining process - especially\nthe government intervention without a prior strike or strike warning -\ndemonstrated a change of employer-strategy and a development in power\nrelations. Moreover, the relations between the parties changed from relative\nconsensus to conflict. The more conflictual relations and more lop-sided power\nrelations contributed to a changed of the bargaining institutions and trade\nunion strategies, in that they were part of the reasons for the set-up of the\nbargain-ing cartel Forhandlingsfællesskabet and a the gradual development\ntowards unity on the trade union side. However, some features are more or less\nunchanged in the sector. The trade unions are nearly all the same as 15 years\nago and the organizational density and the collective bargaining coverage have\nnot changed substantially.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>In the eldercare sector, power relations might have been influenced by the\nmuch larger scope of contract-ing out than in the two other sectors. Also the\nfact that the average qualification level is lower than in the two other\nsectors might be of benefit for the employers. The 2008 industrial conflict\ninvolved the elder-care sector, and represents a peak on conflict scale.\nOrganizationally, nothing much changed during the15 year period in focus, apart\nfrom the fact that the trade union FOA, like the Health cartel, has travelled\nin and out of the larger bargaining coalitions.\u003C\u002Fp>\u003C\u002Fdiv>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Ch3>5.2 The reasons for these changes\u003C\u002Fh3>\n\n\u003Cp>The changes described above, as well as in the following sections, is\nunlikely to be explained by just one or two factors. It is more likely that the\ndevelopments are explained by a more complex web of inter-connected factors. At\nleast six of these are worth pointing out:\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>First, the economic cycles (including economic crisis) have been of\nimportance. The economic cycles were very favorable in the first half of the 15\nyears period in focus, and much less favorable in the second half –\nespecially until 2013. The business cycles have directly and indirectly\nimpacted on the relations between the social partner, the quality and quantity\nof jobs as well on the public services themselves.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Second, the evaluation of the economic crisis - which in many countries was\na game-changer for the pub-lic sector and for public sector IR – is in a\nDanish context challenged by the fact that the implementation of a major\npolitical reform of administrative structures and welfare service institutions\n- the Structural Re-form - took place more or less simultaneously with the\neconomic crisis in the years following 2007. Hence, what is due to the effect\nof the crisis and what is the effect of the Structural Reform is often not\nclear (see also Hansen & Mailand 2013).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Third, demographic change has been a driver. The ageing of the population in\nthe form of more elderly people has impacted, e. g., the hospital sector and\neldercare sector, whereas the – at least temporary – decline in school age\nchildren has affected the school sector.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Fourth, technological development affects in several ways. One of these\nimpacts is that it in some sectors seems to be possible to reduce staff and\u002For\nspending per user without damaging the service quality – but also, that there\nmight be limit to this effect.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Fifth, although less marked than in the private sector, there seems to be a\nchange in power-relation to the benefit of the public employers – a change\nthat cannot only be explained by the business cycles. This change has impacted\non other changes, especially with regards to IR.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Finally, the change of ideologies, especially on the employer side, that\ninclude some variation of NPM and learning from the private sector. It could,\nhowever, also be seen as a cause of several of the changes de-scribed above and\nbelow.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>5.3 What shape has public sector reforms taken?\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Although there has been a reduction in public sector employment from 2010 to\n2017 on 4.7 %, Denmark has one of the largest public sectors in Europe both\nmeasured in share of BFI and share of employment, This was the case 15 years\nago and it is still the case today. The public sector’s share of BFI has been\nbe-tween 26 and 28 % since 2000 (27 % in 2015), and the public sector has\nemployed between 28 and 31 % of all employees in the same period (29 % in\n2015).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Nevertheless, a number of NPM-inspired reforms, as well as a restructuring\nof administrative and organi-zational units towards larger ones, have changed\nthe public sector. Contracting out, privatisations, free consumer choice, local\nwage determination, contract management and widespread use of targets and\nregistration of activities have been introduced from the late 1980s and\nonwards. However, only 25 % of the municipalities’ services are exposed to\ncompetition and only 11 % of the wage sum in the public sec-tor is set at the\nlocal level. Moreover, a reaction to the NPM reforms - especially to the\ncontrol and regis-tration aspects of it- has slowly developed in the present\ndecade, but it is still too early to judge what the real impact of this\nreaction will be.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Although the 15 year-picture show certain stability, the economic crisis\nstarting in 2008 has been followed by some (comparatively mild) austerity\npolicies. Although, as mentioned above, it is difficult to separate the effects\nof the austerity initiatives from other factors, such as the demographic\ndevelopment and the Structural Reform, the austerity policies have no doubt\ncontributed to the abovementioned decline in the number of public sector\nemployees, which has been seen since 2010.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>In the hospital sector there has been an increase rather than a decline in\nthe financial resources allocated to the sector. However, the activities have -\ndue to the ageing population and medical and technological development making\nnew treatment possible – increased much more than the budgetary increase.\nHence, the hospital sector has shown substantial productivity increases. Most\nof the NPM reforms men-tioned above have been seen in this sector.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>In the school sector (public primary and lower secondary school) key issues\nof the reforms during the last 15 years (and a decade before that) have been\nto: Differentiate more between the educational needs of pupils with different\nlearning capacity; focus more on basic skills in math, reading and writing;\nintroduce English at an earlier stage; use more national tests and common goals\nand introduce individual ‘learning plans’; face increased competition from\nprivate schools. Elements of NPM are seen here, but not to the same extent as\nin the hospital sector. Compared with the situation before the crisis and the\nStructural Reform (2007), expenditure had in 2013 decreased by 10 % (adjusted\nfor price- and wage development). Increased expenditure in connections with the\n2013 reform reduced the decrease to 4 %.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>In the eldercare sector, NPM reforms have very much been on the agenda for\nthe past 15 years and even longer and have in this sector especially led to\nincreasing documentation demands, standardisation of services, free client\nchoice and use of private providers. The number of employees has decreased and\nthe number of care-demanding elderly has increased. Compared to the situation\nbefore the Structural Reform and the economic crisis 2007 expenditure has\nwithout adjustments increased in the sector, but adjusted for price and wage\ndevelopment spending has been reduced by 25 % per older person (without the\nadjustment by 8 %).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Ch3>\u003C\u002Fh3>\n\n\u003Ch3>5.4 The industrial relations actors’ involvement in the reforms\u003C\u002Fh3>\n\n\u003Cp>The overall picture of the influence of the industrial relations actors on\nthe public sector is varied, but generally speaking they have had strong\ninfluence through the collective bargaining arena - and varied, but much weaker\ninfluence through the political arena.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Since legislation regarding wages is close to non-existent and limited\nregarding employment and working conditions, the collective bargaining arena is\nof major importance for regulation of these issues and the reforms covering\nthese, such as decentralization of wages and working time flexibility. Public\nsector in-dustrial relations have traditionally been relatively consensual, but\nlarge scale industrial conflicts in rela-tion to the bi- or triennial\nbargaining rounds have taken place two times during the last 15 years, in 2008\nand 2013.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The role of the social partners in the main cross-sector reforms on the\npolitical arena takes place ad hoc either through lobbying,\nhearings\u002Fconsultations or – more rarely – tripartite negotiations. In\ngeneral, the social partners’ role on the austerity policies have been\nlimited.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>In the hospital sector, the social partners have contributed to the\ndevelopment of the reform policies – NPM reforms as well as non-NPM –\nthemselves in the collective bargaining arena. A largescale wage-related\nconflict took place in 2008. In recent years, the hospital (regional) has\nseemed less conflictual than the two other main public sectors areas, the state\nareas and the municipal area. Regarding the political arena, the influence of\nthe social partners is ad hoc and uneven –not only between employer and trade\nunions, but also between the trade unions in that the doctors’ trade unions\nseem to have the best access to the political system. In general, involvement\nof the trade unions – when it takes place –takes place late in the\ndecision-making processes.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The social partners in the eldercare sector were also involved in the 2008\nindustrial conflict, and have since then experienced bargaining rounds with\nrelatively few changes (such as the ‘security funds’ for persons facing\nlay-off), no or limited wage-increases and a strengthening of the power of the\nemployers. The trade unions role on policy-making has been limited.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The social partners’ role in the school sector show another pattern. In\nthe collective bargaining arena, an agreement to restructure working time\nregulation was made in 2008, but employers and politicians never-theless made a\nwithdrawal of the working time from the bargaining agenda an essential demand\nin 2013. This demand was realized only after industrial conflict and government\nintervention. Involvement in polit-ical initiatives have traditionally been\nwidespread in the sector, but in relation to initiatives around the 2013 reform\nthe trade unions were by and large excluded.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Ch3>\u003C\u002Fh3>\n\n\u003Ch3>5.5 The reform policies effects on the number and quality of jobs\u003C\u002Fh3>\n\n\u003Cp>As mentioned above, a decline in the number of employees in the public\nsector has taken place since 2010, but employment is still at the same level as\nin 2008. The national labour force survey shows that atypical employment in the\nform of temporary employees, part-time employees and self-employed without\nemployees has been more or less stable since 2009.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>In the hospital sector the total number of jobs has remained stable, but\nfocussing on occupations, it is only the number of nurses that has not shown\nnotable change: The number of doctors has increased and the number of support\nstaff (with lower education) has decreased. This reflects a development towards\nshorter periods of hospitalisations and higher number of patients. Voluntary\n(long) part-time is wide-spread in the sector, whereas the employment types\nassociated with precariousness are at the same level or lower than on the\nDanish labour market on average. The main job quality related problem seems to\nbe work intensification, and the problem is – according to the trade unions\n– huge.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The eldercare sector shares with the hospital sector a situation where an\nincreasing number of citizens needs the service of the sector. However, in the\neldercare sector the number of employees has de-creased (at least since 2010).\nRegarding the job quality, part-time work generally and marginal part-time work\nhas been increasing. The NPM reforms and decreasing time per elder persons have\ncreated a situa-tion where a fair share of the employees fair losing their job,\nfeel that the professionalism of their occu-pation is under pressure, and that\nthey have to work faster than previously. However, the majority of the\nemployees still find their job interesting and meaningful.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>In the school sector most major changes have taken place in connection with\nthe collective bargaining round 2013 and the related school reform 2014.\nContrary to the two other sectors, the citizens covered by the service (the\npupils in the case of schools) has declined recently (after 2010), and the\nnumber of jobs has declined proportionally. However, changes are seen in\nemployment types, where full-time employ-ment is in decline and fixed-term\nemployment is raising. Whether this is a permanent or a temporary de-velopment,\nconnected to the implementation of the school reform 2014, is a matter of\ncontroversy. Re-garding working environment, there are some positive\nindications after the implementation of the re-form (such as less use of\nleisure time for work, the feeling of still having some autonomy and being\nmoti-vated), but most indications are negative (reduced motivation, reduced job\nsatisfaction, slight increase in sickness absence, and preparation outside\nnormal working hours).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Ch2>\u003C\u002Fh2>\n\n\u003Ch2>5.6 Effect of the job changes for quantity and quality of the service\u003C\u002Fh2>\n\n\u003Cp>For none of the three sectors is it possible to say anything conclusive\nabout changes in the quantity and quality of the service.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Regarding the hospital sector no clear conclusions can be drawn as to\nwhether the work intensification - which without any doubt has taken place -\nhas spilled over to problems in the quantity and especially quality of the\nservice provided. The trade union for nurses, DSR, sees a connection between\nwork intensi-fication and declining quality of services, including declining\nsafety of patients. Those who do not see such a connection, including the\nhospital employers in Danish Regions, point to the fact that nearly all main\nservice indicators point in the right direction.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The picture is not much clearer in the school sector. Conclusions with\nregards to the effects of the 2014 school reform are uncertain both because the\nreform is very recent and because the high political priority of the reforms\nimplies that several alternative evaluations exists as well as several\nalternative readings of the evaluations. Using the most official evaluation as\na source, the pattern in the dimensions analysed is either that no change has\ntaken place, or that the changes are small and mainly in a negative direction.\nThe former is the case in terms of the support from parents and the relations\nwith teachers, the latter is the case with overall satisfaction, the content of\nthe lessons, and the extent to which there are clear goals with the teaching.\nThe only main indicator which shows more than a few percentage-points change is\nthe share of the pupils that is of the opinion that the school day is too\nlong.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>In the eldercare sector the effect from the changes in job quantity and\nquality on the quality of the service provided is difficult to measures and\nthere is no clear evidence with regard to direction of this change and the few\navailable source point to stability rather than change.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Ch3>5.7 Comparing the sectors and perspectives\u003C\u002Fh3>\n\n\u003Cp>Table 5.1 below show a brief formulated attempt to compare the findings from\nthe three sectors. There are several commonalities. All three sectors:\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>•show no major changes with regard to the social partner organization, to\ntheir organizational den-sities or to the coverage of the relevant collective\nagreements\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>•have seen a development towards ‘tougher’ and more active employers\n(although not to the same extent)\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>•have been affected by the same drivers for change (although not to the\nsame extent)\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>•have been affected by NPM reforms (although not to the same extent)\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>•show stronger social partner influence through the collective bargaining\narena than the political arena\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>•have experienced work-intensification\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>•have been subject to intense discussions of the quality of services,\nthough without leading to any clear picture of this quality, and without any\nclear link to the development in quality and quantity of jobs has been\nestablished.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Variation is seen with regard to:\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>•the relations between the social partners (most conflictual in the school\nsector (since 2013))\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>•the scope of NPM reforms (least extensive in the school sector)\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>•the shape of NPM reforms (most widespread use of outsourcing in the\neldercare sector)\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>•the overall number of jobs (changed the least in the hospital sector)\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>•the use of atypical employment (least widespread in the school sector)\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>A number of observations can be drawn from this pattern and the\nsector-analyses.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Table 5.1: Comparing findings from the three sectors\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Ctable border=\"1\" style=\"width: 100%\">\n  \u003Ccaption>\u003C\u002Fcaption>\n  \u003Ccolgroup>\u003Ccol>\n  \u003Ccol>\n  \u003Ccol>\n  \u003Ccol>\n  \u003C\u002Fcolgroup>\u003Ctbody>\n    \u003Ctr>\n      \u003Ctd>\u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>Hospital sector\u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>School sector\u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>Eldercare sector\u003C\u002Ftd>\n    \u003C\u002Ftr>\n    \u003Ctr>\n      \u003Ctd>1. Changes SP organizations and relations\u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>No major, although ’08 conflict and new employers org. Employers’\n        org. not so ’tough’ as the other public employers\u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>Major re: relations due to ’13 conflict and tougher employers, but\n        no big org. changes \u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>No major, although employers has become ’tougher’. No big org.\n        changes \u003C\u002Ftd>\n    \u003C\u002Ftr>\n    \u003Ctr>\n      \u003Ctd>2. Reasons for changes\u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd colspan=\"3\">NPM-ideologies\n\n        \u003Cp>Economic crisis > budget cuts\u002Fausterity policies + changing\n        power-relations\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n        \u003Cp>Structural Reform; demographic development; technological\n        development\u003C\u002Fp>\n      \u003C\u002Ftd>\n    \u003C\u002Ftr>\n    \u003Ctr>\n      \u003Ctd>3. Scope and shape of reforms\n\n        \u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n      \u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>Extensive NPM reforms, limited\n\n        \u003Cp>outsourcing\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n        \u003Cp>Overall increased budget, reduced per user\u003C\u002Fp>\n      \u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>Some NPM reforms, limited outsourcing\n\n        \u003Cp>Overall reduced budget, reduced per user\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n        \u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n      \u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>Extensive NPM reforms, extensive outsourcing\n\n        \u003Cp>Overall reduced budget, reduced per user\u003C\u002Fp>\n      \u003C\u002Ftd>\n    \u003C\u002Ftr>\n    \u003Ctr>\n      \u003Ctd>4. Role of SP in reforms though:\u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>Policy arena: Uneven between org., greatest for employers’ org. and\n        doctors TU\n\n        \u003Cp>CB area: Important\u003C\u002Fp>\n      \u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>Policy arena: TU important role until ’13, then reduced\n\n        \u003Cp>CB arena: Important, but reduced from ’13 \u003C\u002Fp>\n      \u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>Policy arena: Limited for TU\n\n        \u003Cp>CB arena: Important\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n        \u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n      \u003C\u002Ftd>\n    \u003C\u002Ftr>\n    \u003Ctr>\n      \u003Ctd>5. Quantity and quality of jobs \u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>Same number of jobs, but more doctors, fewer support staff\n\n        \u003Cp>Atypical widespread, but mostly long part-time and not increasing\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n        \u003Cp>Work-intensification\u003C\u002Fp>\n      \u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>Reduced number of jobs\n\n        \u003Cp>Atypical limited, but increasing since 13?\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n        \u003Cp>Work-intensification since 13?\u003C\u002Fp>\n      \u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>Reduced number of jobs\n\n        \u003Cp>Atypical widespread, and seems to increase\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n        \u003Cp>Work-intensification\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n        \u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n      \u003C\u002Ftd>\n    \u003C\u002Ftr>\n    \u003Ctr>\n      \u003Ctd>6. Effect on quality of service\n\n        \u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n      \u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>Nearly all quality-indicators show positive development, but TU says\n        work intensification leads to negative effects on quality\u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>Very controversial issue. Effect of the ’13 reform not yet certain,\n        limited negative overall development?\u003C\u002Ftd>\n      \u003Ctd>Few studies and few registrations to use, those that exist show\n        stability and limited\u002Fno effect of outsourcing on quality of\n      service\u003C\u002Ftd>\n    \u003C\u002Ftr>\n  \u003C\u002Ftbody>\n\u003C\u002Ftable>\n\n\u003Cp>Note: SP = social partners. CB = collective bargaining. TU = trade unions.\nOrg = organization or organizational.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>A number of observations can be drawn from this pattern and the\nsector-analyses.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Firstly, although three quite different - in terms of services - parts of\nthe public sector are covered and there the presence of challenges specific to\neach of the three sectors, challenges and developments are to a large extent\nthe same as it has been described above. Moreover, it is not possible to\nconclude that any one of the three sectors are facing more challenges from\ncrisis, reforms and other drivers than the others. This said, however, it might\nbe that the eldercare sector in the 15 years period has changed the most in the\n15 year period in terms of organizational structure and work-organization (due\nto e.g. the widespread use of out-souring). It might also be the sector where\nthe trade union has been least able to influence reforms and have the weakest\npower-position. The dominant union in the sector - FOA - is basi-cally a\ngeneral workers union (of employees with no or low formal education) and they\nhave never had the strong occupational identity, organizational capacity and\nhistory of (occasional) trade union militancy to use, as for instance the\nnurses’ and the teachers’ trade unions have. However, that the presence of\nthese feature on the other hand is no guarantee for influence illustrated by\nthe industrial conflict 2013 and the following school reform.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Secondly, one of the common challenges that shows most clearly in the sector\nanalyses is work intensifi-cation. Whereas solid conclusions on the effect on\nquality and quantity of employment on the quality of service could not be\ndrawn, there is no doubt that work-intensification – and the related\nchallenges for the psychological working environment – in recent years has\nbecome a major issue across sectors.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Thirdly, interestingly, a high intensity of NPM-reform does or a high level\nof budgetary reductions does not seem necessarily to lead to more conflictual\nrelations. Table 6.1 and the sector-analyses indicate that other factors plays\na role. One is the level of involvement of social partners, especially the\ntrade unions. Involvement of these in NPM reforms (though one of the two arenas\nor both) in formulation and imple-mentation of these seems in many cases to\nprevent conflicts. But also the power of the trade unions might play a role, in\nthat more powerful trade unions are able to be more vocal and efficient in\ntheir com-plains, if they are bypassed, than weaker ones.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Fourthly, although change has taken place there are also a great deal of\nstability. The reforms, the Great Recession and the other drivers have impacted\non the public sector, but fundamentally IR institutions are the same and the\nsocial partner organizations show a high level of stability in the 15 years\nperiod. Like-wise, although employment has been reduced in the most recent\nyears, the job-level in 2017 is the same as in 2008 and the public sector is\nstill in terms of resources and in terms of employment among the abso-lute\nlargest in the Europe when compared to the private sector.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The short-term perspectives for the social dialogue in the public sector\nlooks conflictual. 2018 is the first year with a collective bargaining round\nsince 2015. The ‘trust-crisis’ between the social partners in the state\nsector is still present at the time of writing. Moreover, it seems that the\nteachers working time will again be a conflictual issue during the coming\nround. Maybe less conflictual will be bargaining regarding the conditions of\natypical employees, where KL has signaled that whey want to further reduce, or\ntotally eliminate, remaining thresholds. Moreover, psychological work\nenvironment and work intensification seems also to be an important part of the\nagenda.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>References\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Bjørnholt, B., Boye, S., Hønge Flarup, L. & Lemvig, K. (2015):\nPædagogiske medarbejderes oplevelser og erfaringer i den nye folkeskole.\nKøbenhavn: KORA.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Caraker, E., L. K. Høgedahl, H. Jørgensen, R. J. Møberg (2015):\nFællesskabet før forskellene: Hovedrapport fra APL III-projektet om nye\nlønmodtagerværdier og interesser. København: FTF og LO.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Dahl, H. M. (2008): Nye styringsformer og anerkendelseskamp – den vrede\nhjemmehjælper? Kvinder, køn og forskning, (4).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Danske Regioner (2013): Politik om fuld tid. Notat 27-05-14.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Danske Regioner (2016): Regionernes resultater 2016. København: Danske\nRegioner.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>DLF (2015): Udviklingen i klassekoefficienten i Folkeskolen. Analysenotat.\nBørne- og Undervisningsudvalget 2015-16; BUU Alm. del Bilag 15.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>DLF (2017): Flere kommuner laver aftaler med lærerne. København: Danmarks\nLærerforening.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Due, J. J. & Madsen, J. S. (2009): Forligsmagere og Forumshoppere.\nCopenhagen. FAOS.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Drescher, M. J. Grunnet-Lauridsen, T. Thorsen, T, M. Zimmermann, L.P. Smed\nChristensen, L. H. Mortensen & E.S. Knudsen (2016): ’Folkeskolelærere\nskifter oftere job efter nye arbejdstidsregler og folkeskolereform’.\nKøbenhavn: Danmarks Statistik, DST Analyse.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>DSR (2016): Personaledata 2016. København: DSR.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Ejersbo N. and Greve, C. (2005) Moderniseringen af den offentlige sektor.\nKøbenhavn: Børsens Forlag.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>FOA (2012) Atypiske ansættelser på regionale og kommunale FOA\narbejds-pladser, København: FOA.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>FOA (2016): Ledighed blandt medlemmer af FOAs A-kasse.\nhttps:\u002F\u002Fwww.foa.dk\u002FForbund\u002FOm-FOA\u002FMedlemmer-i-tal\u002FLedighedstal\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>FOA (2016c): Lokal løn. København: FOA.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>FOA (2017): Atypisk arbejde i det offentlige - Et voksende problem.\nPræsentation ved forbundsformand Dennis Kristensen, FOA, på Ulighedens\nTopmøde, 27. februar, 2017.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Greve, C. (2006) ’Public Management Reform in Denmark’, Public\nManagement Review 8 (1): 161-169.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Greve, C. (2012): Reformanalyse – Hvordan den offentlige sektor\ngrundlæggende blev forandret i 00’erne. København: Jurist- og\nØkonomforbundets Forlag.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Hansen, E. M. (2015) ’Bondo: Lærerne belastes af øget brug af\nvikarer’, Politiken 29 september.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Hansen, N.W. (2012): ’Lokal løn i det offentlige’. Fakta. FAOS,\nSociologisk Institut Københavns Universitet.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Hansen, N. W. (2017): Folkeskolelærernes arbejdstid og partssamarbejdet.\nForskningsnotat no. 158. FAOS, Sociologisk Institut, Københavns\nUniversitet.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Hansen, N.W. & M. Mailand (2013): ‘Public service employment relations\nin an era of austerity: The case of Denmark’, European Journal of Industrial\nRelations, 19(4):375–389.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Hansen, N.W. and M. Mailand (2015) ‘New challenges for public services\nsocial dialogue - National Report Denmark’. Researh Paper no.142. FAOS,\nSociologisk Institut, University of Copenhagen.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Hjelmar, U., Y. Bhatti, T., Rostgaard, O. H. Petersen, K. Vrangbæk, P.T.\nLarsen & Jacobsen, L. (2016): Kvalitet på offentlige og private\nplejecentre i Danmark. Roskilde: Roskilde Universitet.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Ibsen, C. L., Larsen, T. P., Madsen, J. S. & Due, J. (2011): Challenging\nScandinavian employment relations: the effect of new public management reforms.\nThe International Journal of Human Resource Manage-ment, 22(11).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Jacobsen et al. (2017): En længere og mere varieret skoledag\n-Implementerings- og effektundersøgelse. København: KORA.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Kamp, A., Hohnen, P., Hvid, H. & Scheller, V. K. (2013): New Public\nManagement – Konsekvenser for arbejdsmiljø og produktivitet. Roskilde:\nCenter for Arbejdslivsforskning, Roskilde Universitet.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Knudsen, L. & Rostgaard, T. (2015): Et demografisk billede af de ældre\ni Danmark – nu og i fremtiden. In: P. Jensen. & T. Rostgaard, ed. Det\naldrende samfund – udfordringer og nye muligheder. 1st. ed. Copenhagen.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>KRL (2016): Kommuner og Regioners Løndatakontor.\nhttps:\u002F\u002Fwww.krl.dk\u002F#\u002Fmain\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Larsen, T.P., Navrbjerg, S. E. & Johansen, M. M. (2010):\nTillidsrepræsentanten og arbejdspladsen. København: LO & FAOS.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Mailand, M. (2012): Overenskomstfornyelsen 2011 - den kommunale sektor\nperspektiveret. Forskningsnotat nr. 122. FAOS, Sociologisk Institut, University\nof Copenhagen.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Mailand, M. (2014) Overenskomstforhandlinger under pres – OK2013 i den\noffentlige sektor. FAOS, Sociologisk Institut, Københavns Universitet.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Mailand, M. (2015) ’Dagpengereformer, flexicurity og atypisk ansatte -\nDelrapport 2 i projektet ’Dagpengereformer og flexicurity’’. FAOS,\nSociologisk Institut, Københavns Universitet. Upubliceret pa-per.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Mailand, M. & N. W. Hansen (2016): ‘Denmark and Sweden: The\nConsequences of Public Service Reform and Economic Crisis for Public Service\nEmployment Relations’, in S. Bach & L. Bodogna (eds.): Public Service\nManagement and Employment Relations in Europe. New York: Routledge.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Nielsen, C. P., M. Keilow, L. Jensen (2016): Folkeskolereformen –\nBeskrivelse af 3. dataindsamling blandt elever og forskelle over tid.\nKøbenhavn: SFI.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Pedersen, C. H. (2015): ’Bondo: Lærerne belastes af øget brug af\nvikarer’, Politiken 28 september.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The Danish Health Authorities (2011): Plejehjemstilsynet 2011. Copenhagen\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>The Danish Patient Safety Authorities (2015): Styrelsen for\nPatientsikkerheds tilsyn med plejehjem Landsrapport 2015. Copenhagen\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Rostgaard (2015): ’Kvalitetsreformer i hjemmeplejen – balancen mellem\nstandardisering og individualisering’. I P. Jensen & T. Rostgaard (red.)\nDet aldrende Samfund – udfordringer og nye muligheder.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Rostgaard, T. & Matthiessen, M. (2016): Arbejdsvilkår i ældreplejen:\nMere dokumentation og mindre tid til social omsorg. København: KORA.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>UNI.C (2012): Satistik & Analyse 22. oktober 2012.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Økonomi- og Indenrigsministeriet (2017): noegletal.dk.  \u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>List of interviews\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Marianne Brinch-Fischer, Head of General Collective Agreements, Local\nGovernment Denmark (KL).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Jakob Oluf-Bang, Head of Collective Bargaining Department, FOA.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Grete Christensen, Secretary General and Helle Warming, Head of Collective\nBargaining Department, Danish Nurses Organization (DSR).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Ole Lund Jensen, Head of Center for Negotiations and Collective Agreements,\nDanish Regions.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Kasper Axel Nielsen, Director, The Union of Specialized Doctors (Foreningen\naf Speciallæger, FAS).\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>Anders Damm-Frydenberg, Consultant, Collective Bargaining Department,\nFOA.\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\u003Cp>\u003C\u002Fp>\n\n\n",{"strikes_trigger":42},{"bindId":43,"name":44,"text":45},"strikes_trigger","The school sector could be argued to sho","The school sector could be argued to show a little less stability throughout\nthe 15 years period, but mostly due to what has happened since 2013. The\ngradual decentralization of the working time issue, that began in the 1990s and\ndeveloped until 2008, was insufficient for the public employers and the\nprevious Social-democratic led government. The bargaining process - especially\nthe government intervention without a prior strike or strike warning -\ndemonstrated a change of employer-strategy and a development in power\nrelations. Moreover, the relations between the parties changed from relative\nconsensus to conflict. The more conflictual relations and more lop-sided power\nrelations contributed to a changed of the bargaining institutions and trade\nunion strategies, in that they were part of the reasons for the set-up of the\nbargain-ing cartel Forhandlingsfællesskabet and a the gradual development\ntowards unity on the trade union side. However, some features are more or less\nunchanged in the sector. The trade unions are nearly all the same as 15 years\nago and the organizational density and the collective bargaining coverage have\nnot changed substantially.\n\n\n\nIn the eldercare sector, power relations might have been influenced by the\nmuch larger scope of contract-ing out than in the two other sectors. Also the\nfact that the average qualification level is lower than in the two other\nsectors might be of benefit for the employers. The 2008 industrial conflict\ninvolved the elder-care sector, and represents a peak on conflict scale.\nOrganizationally, nothing much changed during the15 year period in focus, apart\nfrom the fact that the trade union FOA, like the Health cartel, has travelled\nin and out of the larger bargaining coalitions.","\u003Chtml>\n\n    \u003Cdiv class=\"cobra-report\">\n\n        \u003Ch2>Danish public sector industrial relations and welfare services in times of trouble -\u003C\u002Fh2>\n\n        \u003Cdiv class=\"section general\">\n\n            \n            \n                \u003Cdiv id=\"display-start_date\">Startdato: → Ikke specificeret\u003C\u002Fdiv>\n            \n\n            \n            \n                \u003Cdiv id=\"display-end_date\">Slutdato: → Ikke specificeret\u003C\u002Fdiv>\n            \n\n            \u003C!-- TODO: previous CBA logic -->\n            \u003C!-- TODO: status logic -->\n\n            \n                \u003Cdiv id=\"display-cbaratified\">Ratificeret af: → Ministry\u003C\u002Fdiv>\n                \n                \n            \n\n            \u003C!-- TODO: transnational_label, includingcountries_label, national_framework_label -->\n\n            \u003Cdiv id=\"display-SECTOR1\">\n                Navn på industri: → Offentlig administration, politiet, interesseorganisation\n            \u003C\u002Fdiv>\n\n            \u003Cdiv id=\"display-NACE2004\">\n                Navn på industri: → Generelle offentlige tjenester  \n            \u003C\u002Fdiv>\n\n            \u003Cdiv id=\"display-FIRMPRI\">\n                Offentlig\u002Fprivat sektor: → I den offentlige sektor\n            \u003C\u002Fdiv>\n            \n            \u003Cdiv>Indgået af:\u003C\u002Fdiv>\n\n            \n\n            \u003Cdiv id=\"display-CBA_MEMEMPL_1\">\n                Navn på foreninger: → \n            \u003C\u002Fdiv>\n\n            \n\n            \u003Cdiv id=\"display-CBA_MEMTRAD4_1\">\n                Navne på fagforeninger: → \n\n                \n                    \n                    \u003Cspan>\n                        FH - FOA, FTF - Sygeplejeråd, Dansk\n                    \u003C\u002Fspan>\n                \n\n                \u003Cdiv id=\"display-CBA_MEMTRAD4_1_txt\">\u003C\u002Fdiv>\n            \u003C\u002Fdiv>\n\n            \n\n            \n\n        \u003C\u002Fdiv>\n\n        \u003Cdiv class=\"section social-security-pensions\">\n            \u003Ch3 id=\"display-SOCSEC_trigger\">SOCIAL SIKKERHED OG PENSIONER\u003C\u002Fh3>\n            \u003Cdiv id=\"display-pensionfund\">Arbejdsgiver bidrager til pensionskasse for medarbejdere: → Nej\u003C\u002Fdiv>\n            \u003Cdiv id=\"display-disabilityfund\">Arbejdsgiver bidrager til en handicapfond for medarbejdere: → Nej\u003C\u002Fdiv>\n            \u003Cdiv id=\"display-unemploymentfund\">Arbejdsgiver bidrager til arbejdsløshedskasse for medarbejdere: → Nej\u003C\u002Fdiv>\n        \u003C\u002Fdiv>\n\n        \u003Cdiv class=\"section training\">\n            \u003Ch3 id=\"display-TRAINING_trigger\">UDDANNELSE\u003C\u002Fh3>\n            \u003Cdiv id=\"display-trainingprogrammes\">Uddannelsesprogrammer: → Nej\u003C\u002Fdiv>\n            \u003Cdiv id=\"display-apprenticeships\">Lærlingeuddannelse: → Nej\u003C\u002Fdiv>\n            \u003Cdiv id=\"display-trainingfund\">Arbejdsgiver bidrager til en uddannelsesfond for medarbejdere: → Nej\u003C\u002Fdiv>\n        \u003C\u002Fdiv>\n\n        \u003Cdiv class=\"section sickness-disability\">\n            \u003Ch3 id=\"display-SICDIS_trigger\">SYGDOM OG HANDICAP\u003C\u002Fh3>\n\n            \n\n            \n\n            \n\n            \n            \n            \u003Cdiv id=\"display-longtermillness\">Bestemmelser om tilbagevenden efter langtidssygdom, fx cancerbehandling: → Nej\u003C\u002Fdiv>\n            \n            \u003Cdiv id=\"display-menstruationleave\">Betalt fravær på grund af menstruation: → Nej\u003C\u002Fdiv>\n\n            \u003Cdiv id=\"display-disabilitypay\">Betaling i tilfælde af invaliditet som følge af arbejdsulykke: → Nej\u003C\u002Fdiv>\n\n        \u003C\u002Fdiv>\n\n\n        \u003Cdiv class=\"section health-medical-assistence\">\n            \u003Ch3 id=\"display-SICDIS_trigger\">SUNDHED OG SIKKERHED SAMT LÆGEHJÆLP\u003C\u002Fh3>\n            \u003Cdiv id=\"display-healthcareaccess\">Lægehjælp aftalt: → Nej\u003C\u002Fdiv>\n            \u003Cdiv id=\"display-healthcareaccessrelatives\">Hjælp fra pårørende aftalt: → Nej\u003C\u002Fdiv>\n            \u003Cdiv id=\"display-healthinsurance\">Bidrag til sundhedsforsikring aftalt: → Nej\u003C\u002Fdiv>\n            \u003Cdiv id=\"display-healthinsurancerelatives\">Sundhedsforsikring til pårørende aftalt: → Nej\u003C\u002Fdiv>\n            \u003Cdiv id=\"display-healthandsafetypolicy\">Sundheds- og sikkerhedspolitik aftalt: → Nej\u003C\u002Fdiv>\n            \u003Cdiv id=\"display-healthandsafetytraining\">Sundheds- og sikkerhedsuddannelse aftalt: → \u003C\u002Fdiv>\n            \u003Cdiv id=\"display-protectiveclothing\">Beskyttelsestøj udleveret: → \u003C\u002Fdiv>\n            \u003Cdiv id=\"display-hivpolicy\">Jævnlig eller årlig helbredstjek eller besøg foranlediget af arbejdsgiver: → \u003C\u002Fdiv>\n            \u003Cdiv id=\"display-monitoring\">Overvågning af bevægeapparatet på arbejdspladser, professionel risici og\u002Feller forholdet mellem arbejde og sundhed: → \u003C\u002Fdiv>\n            \u003Cdiv id=\"display-funeralpay\">Begravelseshjælp: → Nej\u003C\u002Fdiv>\n        \n            \n        \u003C\u002Fdiv>\n\n        \u003Cdiv class=\"section work-family-arrangements\">\n            \u003Ch3 id=\"display-WORKFAM_trigger\">ARBEJDE- OG FAMILIEORDNINGER\u003C\u002Fh3>\n\n            \n\n            \n\n            \u003Cdiv id=\"display-jobsecuritymothers\">Jobsikkerhed efter barselsorlov: → \u003C\u002Fdiv>\n            \u003Cdiv id=\"display-maternitydiscrimination\">Forbud mod forskelsbehandling i forbindelse med barsel: → \u003C\u002Fdiv>\n              \u003Cdiv id=\"display-breastfeeding_dangerouswork\">Forbud mod at tvinge gravide eller ammende medarbejdere til at udføre farligt eller usundt arbejde: → \u003C\u002Fdiv>\n              \u003Cdiv id=\"display-riskassessment\">APV risikovurdering for sikkerhed og sundhed for gravide eller ammende kvinder: → \u003C\u002Fdiv>\n              \u003Cdiv id=\"display-alternatives\">Tilgængelighed af alternativer til farligt og usundt arbejde for gravide eller ammende kvinder: → \u003C\u002Fdiv>\n              \u003Cdiv id=\"display-timeoff\">Fravær i forbindelse med fødselsforberedelse: → \u003C\u002Fdiv>\n              \u003Cdiv id=\"display-screeningnonstandard\">Forbud mod at screene for graviditet før ansættelse af vikarer: → \u003C\u002Fdiv>\n              \u003Cdiv id=\"display-screeningpromotion\">Forbud mod at screene for graviditet før forfremmelse: → \u003C\u002Fdiv> \n            \u003Cdiv id=\"display-nursingmothers\">Faciliteter til ammende mødre: → Nej\u003C\u002Fdiv>\n            \u003Cdiv id=\"display-childcareprovision\">Børnepasningsfaciliteter anlagt af arbejdsgiver: → Nej\u003C\u002Fdiv>\n            \u003Cdiv id=\"display-childcaresubsidy\">Børnepasningsfaciliteter med tilskud fra arbejdsgiver: → Nej\u003C\u002Fdiv>\n   \u003Cdiv id=\"display-educationtuition\">Monetær undervisning\u002Ftilskud til børns uddannelse: → Nej\u003C\u002Fdiv>\n   \n            \n\n            \n                        \n\n        \u003C\u002Fdiv>\n        \n        \u003Cdiv class=\"section gender-equality-issues\">\n            \u003Ch3 id=\"display-GENEQ_trigger\">LIGESTILLINGSANLIGGENDER\u003C\u002Fh3>\n         \u003Cdiv id=\"display-eqpay\">Ligeløn for lige arbejde → Nej\u003C\u002Fdiv>\n         \n         \u003Cdiv id=\"display-discrimination\">\nDiskriminering af arbejdsklausuler:\nLige muligheder for forfremmelse for kvinder:\nLige muligheder for uddannelse og omskoling for kvinder:\nLigestilling fagforening officer på arbejdspladsen:\nKlausuler om seksuel chikane på arbejdspladsen:\nKlausuler om vold på arbejdspladsen:\nSærlig orlov til arbejdstagere udsættes for indenlandsk eller vold i parforhold: → Nej\u003C\u002Fdiv>\n        \u003Cdiv id=\"display-eqpromotion\">Lige muligheder for forfremmelse for kvinder: → Nej\u003C\u002Fdiv> \n        \u003Cdiv id=\"display-eqtraining\">Lige muligheder for uddannelse og omskoling for kvinder: → Nej\u003C\u002Fdiv>     \n        \u003Cdiv id=\"display-eqofficer\">Ligestilling i forbindelse med tillidsmænd på arbejdspladsen: → Nej\u003C\u002Fdiv>\n        \u003Cdiv id=\"display-sexualhar\">Klausuler om seksuel chikane på arbejdspladsen: → Nej\u003C\u002Fdiv>\n        \u003Cdiv id=\"display-violence\">Klausuler om vold på arbejdspladsen: → Nej\u003C\u002Fdiv>\n        \u003Cdiv id=\"display-violenceleave\">Særlig orlov til medarbejdere, der har været udsat for vold i hjemmet eller partnervold: 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bestemmelser: → Nej\u003C\u002Fdiv>\n        \u003C\u002Fdiv>\n        \n\n        \u003Cdiv class=\"section working-hours\">\n            \u003Ch3 id=\"display-WORKHOURS_trigger\">ARBEJDSTID, VAGTPLAN OG FERIE\u003C\u002Fh3>\n\n            \n\n            \n\n            \n\n            \n\n            \n\n            \n\n            \n\n            \n\n            \n\n            \n\n            \n\n            \n            \n             \n            \n            \n            \n            \n            \n            \u003Cdiv id=\"display-FLEXWORK_trigger\"> Bestemmelser om fleksible arbejdsordninger: → Nej\n            \u003C\u002Fdiv>\n            \n        \u003C\u002Fdiv>\n\n        \u003Cdiv class=\"section wages\">\n            \u003Ch3 id=\"display-WAGES_trigger\">LØNNINGER\u003C\u002Fh3>\n\n            \u003Cdiv id=\"display-PAYSCALES_trigger\">\n                Lønningerne bestemmes ud fra løntabeller: → No\n            \u003C\u002Fdiv>\n\n            \n\n\n            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